Saturday, September 5, 2015

Guilt 3- Why the "white privilege industry" is not all there


Rounding off our trilogy on "white guilt", this post looks at some of the difficulties in anti-racist education and asks what practical benefits it is producing for the victims or those disadvantaged by white favoritism and/or racism.  To be sure a massive number of books and articles, and workshops and conferences have been done in the field, but how does all this help the average Black kid or guy on the street, or Native american on reservation, or Hispanic guy in barrio? Or average Hispanics, Blacks or Native Americans NOT in such venues?

One thing that comes through in the vast literature on the subject is stubborn white resistance to some aspects of the anti-racist project, a resistance going back to the 1960s. This resistance confirms my points in earlier posts, about the bogus claims made in many right-wing quarters about alleged "white guilt." Such laughable claptrap as Obama being elected due to "white guilt" and other such pablum advanced by right-wing pundits like Ann Coulter and others are merely the tip of the iceberg of a relentless propaganda operation. But if anything, the academic literature (see debunking of Shelby Steele on some counts) shows very little operational guilt, and plenty of white resistance.

Gillespie et al discuss this central problem in an article on teaching prospective white female teachers. Plenty of resistance was encountered, and matters were not helped by head-fake methods such as a misleading general course titles like "Individuals and Society" = during which a heavy diet of "white privilege" readings was served. Based on what Gillespie writes, many students eventually came to distrust her, and indeed things got so bad that in some classes, students did not take part in any discussions- they just sat silent. Eventually this was alleviated when some students from her PREVIOUS classes began to open up and encourage other students, but this was due to such students taking the initiative, not the teacher.

Reading Gillespie, equally problematic is her definition or framing of the notion of "unearned privilege" - which was usually interpreted as some sort of personal  attack on their own personal efforts, and/or hard work and accomplishments or that of their parents. Not exactly a way to win the hearts and minds of the white natives. Another problem is insistence at times that white students make some sort of personal confession of complicity in racism etc. This might have some well-meaning therapeutic aspects, but usually meets resistance based on a personal history allegedly free of racism. Most students for example disavowed racism, making confessionals seem forced or irrelevant.

Gillespie rightly points out several contradictions in the reasoning (and behavior) of the students - (some made racist comments while denying they were racist), and their naiveté about white deception manipulation and hypocrisy as regards race, but the resistance and lack of trust makes the pedagogical project a long term one filled with tension. Gillespie mentions others on the problem- quote:

"So the question that loomed large for Howard (1999) as a white educator came to loom large for us: ‘How do [we] be anti-racist without appearing anti-White?’

The students’ inferences and conclusions reminded us that anti-racist pedagogy has multiple dangers, including the very formulation of race itself. In her study of the outcomes of an anti-racist curriculum in teacher education, for example, Schick (2000) found that exposure to anti-racist pedagogy produced a liberal discourse, the aim of which seemed to be to maintain a ‘positive self-presentation" (p. 88). The students that she interviewed in her study had learned that anti-racist language was part of the qualification for the education profession, so they ‘affirmed[ed] their subject positions as qualified teachers whose liberal goodness includes being non prejudiced’ (p. 95). Such . findings show how language can serve as a veneer, covering over complicity, apathy and fear. In Levine-Rasky’s (2000) criticism of white privilege, she finds that students may avoid owning their own complicity in systems of oppression and injustice by simply admitting their privilege; the ‘confession’ of their privilege fulfills [a] redemptive function’ (p. 276). Such outcomes remind us that many white students will attempt to reinterpret any pedagogical strategy that disrupts their sense of entitlement and comfort.

Levine-Rasky levels strong cautions about white privilege pedagogy, the study of unearned advantages and entitlements enjoyed by whites as members of the dominant racial group. Citing its reductionistic emphasis, Levine-Rasky argues, ‘Framing whiteness … essentially involves a people rather than a set of social relations. The project becomes one that is about whites rather than the process of white racialization and domination’ (p. 285). She warns that student resistance is a well-known outcome of this pedagogy and that it produces defensiveness on the part of white students who are then prevented from understanding ‘how whiteness is elaborated in the social order’ (p. 274). In making her case, we find that Levine-Rasky oversimplifies white privilege pedagogy and misses the dialectical intent of authors such as McIntosh (1988), whose work responded historically to the limited focus of multiculturalism in US education on the ramification of racial oppression for people of color. Levine-Rasky rightly points out, however, as do other critics (Giroux, 1997), that white privilege is not an end but a means to an integrated, holistic analysis of social, political, and economic relationships that continue to reproduce racial oppression. And she concludes that her argument for ‘a collective dimension (p. 287) to the study of whiteness still means there will be tensions in the classroom."

(EXCERPT FROM: DIANE GILLESPIE, LESLIE ASHBAUGH, & JOANN DEFIORE. 2002. White Women Teaching White Women about White Privilege, Race Cognizance and Social Action: toward a pedagogical pragmatics. Race Ethnicity and Education, Vol. 5, No. 3, 2002

Some of the above is worthwhile, but how does urging young upper and middle class whites to confess their privilege help the aforementioned "man on the street"? And what practical processes and programs at the street level does it propose to improve race relations? College classrooms are to some extent artificial places, divorced from reality. Making the matter more difficult is the gesturalism and surface genuflection Gillespie notes. Students learn the language of anti-racism and proffer boilerplate, unmoved by any deeper reflection or learning. Another issue is the tendency to "redirect" or "divert" conversations on to whites own concerns and agendas, or even personal issues, essentially sidetracking said conservations as noted previously, a re-centering on whiteness if you will.


Answers are not easy to come by and the weaknesses noted above have been seized on by critics and detractors to distort an attack what is worthwhile. Below are some musings to consider- more to come in later posts:

(1) Accept a tension filled package. Antiracist education will always involve tension and white resistance, because it cuts to the core of and exposes much unsavory white behavior and thinking.

(2) Better define and frame initial definitions before throwing around such terms as "unearned." Yes it could legitimately be said that some white gains in the past were unearned. White unions for example brutally denied blacks access to the playing field well into the 1970s, and some of this treatment literally involved murdering black working people (see US President Harry Truman's comments above). Things such as this locked in advantages for their white descendants. But this does not cancel out the substantial personal struggle or work some individual whites have had to do to get where they are. Though the feeling of personal attacks can be a defensive or diversionary tactic, the common perception by students of personal attacks demonstrates that assorted antiracist educators have not properly laid out the boundaries and parameters of their approach up front.

(3) White people developing "more race consciousness" may not necessarily have the desired outcome. Beware the law of unintended consequences. It is a virtual article of faith among some anti-racist educators that if only white people would become "more conscious" of race, things would get better. Not necessarily say I. Just as the resentment against perceived personal attacks has materialized as a result of some intensified anti-racist education, what is to stop greater racial antagonism by whites against blacks and other minorities as whites become more "conscious"? Recall that the regions of the US with the greatest racial antagonism or strife have been usually where race "consciousness" was the greatest.

And do black folk really want their white colleagues in the workplace to be calculating every interaction in race "conscious" terms and angles? How is a tense "pins and needles" or racial "eggshells" atmosphere a positive thing for minorities, OR whites? If anything it might tire people and make them want to interact LESS with others different from themselves - presto- you have just made the day of neo-segregationists. The law on unintended consequences can apply very perversely when race is a factor. So again, I ask, is more "race consciousness" necessarily a good thing? If so, from whence such books as "Why Are All the Black Kids Sitting Together in the Cafeteria: And Other Conversations About Race." If anything, in today's always-on digital world, where an offhand or stupid Twitter comment is fodder for worldwide public scrutiny and outrage is a bonanza for trolls, idiots, jerks and other assorted denizens feeding on and stoking racial poison. Add increased sensitivity over yet another trivial (or non-trivial) "racial incident" to an increasingly toxic digital stew, and the alleged benefits of "consciousness" appear less than touted.

Sylvia Law, Professor of Law, Medicine and Psychiatry, NYU Law School, offers a thoughtful address (Mansfield Lecture- 1999- University of Akron) that covers many key points. But one wonders if "understanding of anti-discrimination principles" is all that is on offer, and whether this will really come to pass. Says Law:

".. my sensible anti-racist white friends protest that the real problem is discrimination against black people, not white privilege. I agree that as a practical matter, solutions must be found in anti-discrimination law. Nonetheless, understanding the contemporary reality of white privilege may illuminate our understanding of antidiscrimination principles." (--Sylvia Law, White privilege and affirmative action - 1999- Mansfield Lecture)

This seems reasonable, but the opposite effect from white privilege pedagogy could be even greater resistance to, and resentment of anti-discrimination principles as stated herein. The antagonistic attitude, or cycle of denial many whites manifest to certain privilege pedagogy is an example of this backfiring effect.

(4) There is a vast right-wing movement that will distort everything and exploit every weakness. The problems mentioned above play into their hands if not fixed. Anti-racism perhaps has its greatest role to play in confronting and debunking such right-wing forces, which too often, trade on falsehood, misrepresentation, outright deception and propaganda.  Among these are the usual "hereditarian" types with their pesudo-scientific claims of "racial evolution" but a subtler, "soft" racialism is in place as well, which couches its agenda and bottom lines in innocuous sounding themes and platitudes, often posing as "mere" researchers and questioners, while stacking the decks and distorting legitimate scientific inquiry. Could black crime be due to "evolutionary" deficits? We are merely asking, oh and by the way, we conveniently will not mention the high crime rates of supposedly more pure whites like the Irish, or the massive, murderous efficiency of white Germans. See their problems could not really be due to "evolutionary" deficits - its only the culluds... Oh and if you question our methods, you are just being "politically correct."

This is the basic game being played out among many whites, including the young college age types. Solid anti-racist education can do much to confront and debunk such nonsense, but it needs to fix the problems mentioned herein to be effective. To a significant extent, white liberals and progressives have let the white right take over the discourse and frame the issues and memes - conceding by default, a propaganda bonanza to those who wish to distort and disparage black history, achievements, work and culture. The large number of polite-seeming blogs and forums (and some much cruder) on the web are a testimony to how successful this propaganda has been.

Anti-racists frequently call for even more race consciousness, but seem not to realize that this focus nay be precisely what  right-wingers want. How? A "race focus" is an excellent way to divide the progressive coalition. Richard Nixon made superb use of this strategy politically via such things as (a) the southern strategy that garnered conservatives a huge addition to the white base and (b) his famous "Philadelphia Plan" requiring goals and timetables ("quotas" in some parlance) of stonewalling white unions who had a long record of deceptive and hypocritical racial discrimination locking blacks out of employment. Nixon enacted this rather radical measure (for the time) as a way to split the Democrat Coalition, by stoking racial resentment, precisely by RAISING racial consciousness. White right wingers continue the same tactics today. Anti-racists on some counts, are naively playing into their hands by calling for more racial ferment or awareness on the part of whites.

(5) Ease up on the "confessional" formats or demands. Whatever therapeutic value they may have, they are limited impact and may stoke unnecessary conflict when there are more productive avenues to be followed. As shown above, Gillepsie et al had a lot of trouble on this point. Mandatory or pressured "confessionals" are not necessary. If volunteers in a particular class desire such fine. Blunt presentation of facts can do more to expose contradictions and weaknesses without demanding an "admission of complicity" in "systems of racism and oppression." Think about it- why would a 19 year old white college student circa 2016 regard themselves as "complicit" in real estate segregation established by practices in place decades before she was born? Yet a demand for some sort of confessional "pound of flesh" is another article of faith among numerous white anti-racist types. This is part of the "reductionism" noted by Levine-Rasky above. Such therapeutic outcomes may emerge as part of an overall education process, but it too often seems to become an end in itself. A detailed exposition of the blunt facts of race privilege will get the point across rather than a search for confessions of "guilt." A hard factual basis also undermines shallow denial and distortion. In addition, confessions may often be trivial- such as a white student "confessing" that she viewed or laughed at "fried chikin" videos with black people in them. Time is better spent on hard exposure of white behavior-  such as the criminal justice's system sentencing inequities, or "cash shakedown" practices against poor people via a massive array of fines, fees and other extractions for minor law or procedural violations- practices that would not be tolerated to the same extent in white locales.

6) Develop PRACTICAL operational steps to improve race relations at ground level without the need for politics of "racial consciousness" every waking moment. One way to do this is to push expansion of "third spaces" venues or locales, or spaces where people of diverse racial backgrounds can interact in view of common purposes, goals and tasks. These "third spaces" can be many- from city league sports teams, to clubs to churches. The key point is that common goals and tasks in these areas, or shared faiths and philosophies or experiences will go much further in bringing races together than another round of "race conscious" workshops and seminars.

Such "third spaces" do not have to be perfect, nor do they need to have some sort of utopian multicultural aura where all the people join hands and sing 'We shall Overcome." What will also bring people together across lines of "race" are common goals and tasks anchored to a moral framework. A renewed civic culture is one such possibility, as is religion like Christianity which has strong roots across all races. Such an anchored framework offers an even deeper cross-cutting moral framework. This does not require some sort of "percentage" representation or "diversity." Churches for example ensconced in their own neighborhoods and social circles will not look "like the UN" anytime soon- and they don't have to be. As a practical example, in some cities churches hold revivals, rallies, exchange speakers, and sponsor local programs like summer camps with other churches. Note that none of these activities involves any of the much touted "conversations about race." If you are holding a joint summer camp, or music festival, or sports tourney with the black church across town there are a lot of things to work on together. Contrast the positive energy in such activity with yet another boilerplate campus seminar on "racism, homophobism, ableism, genderism,  speciesism, sexism, and other 'isms.'" What? We ain't got enough of those to go around?

Various doctrinal differences will not be mysteriously bridged and they don't have to be at such level. If the Catholics want to preach their thing, and the Baptists  theirs- fine. Just collaborate on the "third spaces" and these will promote, relatively speaking, greater understanding between races than another tense "white privilege" harangue. Some might criticize this as haying too much Burkean "little platoon" flavor or too much "communitarian" style emphasis. Where are the chanting bands of activists protesting globalism, climate change,  etc etc.. They need not be absent, IF they provide the aforementioned common goals or tasks in the third spaces. And none of the above precludes a continuing and vigorous program of racial justice advocacy. Why would a summer camp collaboration hinder the fight against say poor policing? In fact the third spaces model would seek to forge new collaborations between citizens and such bureaucracies, since both need each other. In many cities this is already happening with religious leaders criticizing misconduct but the same leaders and police bureaucrats reaching across the aisle to implement programs to improve overall community safety- from neighborhood watch to police sponsorship of sports teams.

(7) Put cash on the ground to make the above happen, especially in multiple initiatives in minority communities. Why blow 50K on another gabfest "race workshop" when the same 50K can be spent to support a year's worth of sending 100 black kids to an afterschool tutoring program or summer camp, or musical/math/tech training, or environmental/community cleanups etc etc.. Too often however, anti-racists commit the same error they decry- centering on white venues and whiteness. Poor black kids needing access to a wider world and its skills would be much better served by such things than there need be no state of perfection in any of this. The particular linkages can be forged a case at a time, a city or town at a time, using religion, civic engagement, sports, advocacy or whatever works at a particular moment o place. Why does it have to match some sort of slogan-spouting activist nirvana? The above are only examples- there are other formats- such as youth advocacy etc.

(8) Honestly determine whether  antiracism is just a cover to be manipulated to fit other white agendas. A key question for antiracists: If you claims to be so concerned about the distorting effects of whiteness, why are you spending so much cash in white venues? Aren't you STILL making white people the center? A similar question arises regarding the bankrolling of such groups as BlackLivesMatter by people like George Soros who ponied up a reputed $33million towards an umbrella of activists, with most of it towards political activity, not actual projects that advance blacks educationally or economically in practical ways. If black lives matter, shouldn't that big chunk of cash be invested in street level initiatives that will bring police and community together in a practical way (more patrols on a crime-ridden street, more police AND more citizen education/training in dealing with the law, etc) or should that cash and energy be put into flashy media events that serve to fit some other agenda?

Which yields the most practical benefit for a struggling black student for example? Political activity by "angry black people" are a staple theme pushed during some election cycles as a way to mobilize the black vote. After the desired black turnout, the ferment subsides. Likewise isn't some white involvement based not on genuine concern about racial issues, but rather how said issues can be manipulated and used elsewhere? Gays for example have successfully used black civil rights themes to push "gay" marriage. In short, there is a "trust" issue at work - the same "trust" issue that led people like both Martin Luther King and Malcolm X to voice their reservations and suspicions about white "progressives." Are they really in the game to help black folk, or to manipulate the process to help themselves?

A related point is whether antiracism is merely gestural, or boilerplate, but with little real substance where blacks are concerned. This  complaint about white liberals- plenty of lightweight or trivial gestures of support, little real substance- is an old one, but still very much alive and well. Martin Luther King complained about it during the Civil Rights era. Says King in: "Letter from a Birmingham Jail." "I must confess that over the past few years I have been gravely disappointed with the white moderate..." He goes on to talk of a passive liberalism that is long on flowery rhetoric or symbolic gestures, but short on real action.  The complaint also appears in the writings of ex-Black Panther David Hilliard's "This Side of Glory," and the detailed scholarship of ant-racists like Eduard Bonilla-Silva's "Racism Without Racists", to everything in between. As far as police brutality for example, white liberals don't seem like people wracked with guilt. In fact some of the worse, most publicized incidents of police misconduct or brutality is in heavily liberal areas- Los Angeles, Seattle, New York, etc. Liberals in NYC muttered the usual things but quietly approved Mayor Rudy Guiliani's "broken windows" approach and its sometimes corollary- harassment and unjust treatment of innocent black people. Nation blogger  Mychal Denzel Smith  In White People Have To Give Up Racism, made a good point: "Not every white person is a racist, but the genius of racism is that you don’t have to participate to enjoy the spoils. If you’re white, you can be completely oblivious, passively accepting the status quo, and reap the rewards."

Likewise one BlackLivesmatter activist notes:
 “The problem with .. white Seattle progressives in general, is that they are utterly and totally useless (when not outright harmful) in terms of the fight for Black lives. While we are drowning in their liberal rhetoric, we have yet to see them support Black grassroots movements or take on any measure of risk and responsibility for ending the tyranny of white supremacy in our country and in our city. This willful passivity while claiming solidarity with the #BlackLivesMatter movement in an effort to be relevant is over.." 

The problem of diversionary re-centering on whites and their agendas also crops up in the academic literature. Says law professors Greenberg and Ward, in their review of Wildman's book "Privilege Revealed:"

Wildman and Grillo show how analogies between one's own subordinate status, whatever it may be, and the position of people of color work to marginalize issues of race, recentering the claims on white people. For example, at one Association of American Law Schools (AALS) meeting, the plenary session was to focus on issues of racism, sexism and homophobia. The authors recount how during the question and answer period, a white woman rose to the microphone and said she did not want to change the subject, but she wanted to discuss another form of oppression- law professors in less elite law schools... the result of such a comment is to turn the focus of of the meeting from the issues of racism, sexism and homophobia, to the concerns of many of the whites in the audience... Once one is successful in refocusing attention on one's own problem, neither the actor nor the others in the group are required to pay any further attention to the problem of race. Grillo recounts her experience in a woman's group in law school in which all the (white) women argued that sexism was "worse" that racism. 'The women thought they understood racism by virtue of their experiences with sexism..' Again, the process of analogizing, the absence of any intent to injure on the part of the actors, and the lack of an adequate vocabulary, work together to make it difficult to focus attention on whites' racist conduct."

(--Judith Greenberg and Robert Ward, [Professors Of Law- New England School of Law], Book Review: Review of Privilege Revealed, by Stephanie M. Wildman with Contributions by Margalynne Armstrong, Adrienne D. Davis and Trina Grillo, 45 Clev. St. L. Rev. 251 (1997))

Another "consciousness" exercise..


 Does any of the above mean the abandonment of white privilege pedagogy? Not at all, but a different more carefully defined, practical approach is needed. The invisibility of white privilege is an established phenomenon, that few whites see and when the implications do come home to them, it is something they are loath to acknowledge. Hence the need for careful work in the area. Then there is the constant white re-centering/white diversionary problem, and white gesturalism on top of the above. Some white antiracists see such issues, but others do not, and solutions are not readily apparent.

A question of relevance for minorities. But above and beyond that- what practical help does said pedagogy offer the minority kid, or "man on the street"? It is all well and good to talk to well-heeled middle class white people but after the talking-shop, what? There is a great demand in minority communities for PRACTICAL help, CONCRETE programs that address specific problems. How does that "litmus test" of much white privilege pedagogy- affirmative action- address these street level issues, when it is the relatively better-off that benefit from "affirmative action"? Another elite slot opened up for the kid of a middle or upper class black family is nice, but of what practical benefit is that in a broad sense, when in some cities 40% of black kids do not graduate high school, or if "graduating" with the equivalent of 9th grade level educations? Many antiracists can produce no end of passionate broadsides against racism, and can always mobilize a few pickets to get some press, but where is the PRACTICAL action in education, employment etc that people on the ground want NOW?

Would a "racially conscious" white be favorable towards say a black college kid seeking his first job? Many seem to assume that it does, but with the long death of "affirmative action" (which was not that strong to begin with, and was gutted long ago), and tighter markets for good jobs, more "consciousness" may well backfire, with said white employer favoring his own relatives, buddies and cronies. A "politically incorrect" employer who simply wants warm bodies to fill currently empty slots may offer the black kid a better chance than "race conscious" alternatives. Why do so many assume "consciousness" will yield the liberal, politically correct result desired? In fact, whites in traditionally liberal areas, when they get a bout of "race consciousness" have been excluding job applicants on the basis of their "black sounding" names, according to several studies. For example:

"Research buttresses this evidence of wage discrimination with findings of significant race- and gender-based discrimination in hiring. For example, Harvard University researchers found that résumés with “white-sounding” names such as “Emily” are 50 percent more likely to elicit interviews than equivalent résumés with “black-sounding” names such as “Lakisha” (Bertrand and Mullainathan 2004). In addition, a multi-year, national study on race and sex discrimination in large and midsized private businesses found that intentional discrimination exists in every region of the country and in each of nine occupational categories, and it “is so pervasive that affirmative action programs continue to be necessary” (Blumrosen and Blumrosen 2002). Even as recently as this year, the U.S. Department of Labor Office of Federal Contract Compliance Programs found that FedEx engaged in discrimination against 21,000 applicants in 15 states (U.S. Department of Labor 2012). In short, although the American ideal may be to judge individuals by the content of their character, we have not yet guaranteed equal opportunity in all cases."
Source: Economic Policy Institute (2012) The Public Sector jobs crisis.

On the positive side, white privilege pedagogy can render excellent service in confronting right-wing racism- in both its subtle and open forms. More difficult is the "soft" bigotry or if not bias, skewed race assumptions of the ostensibly "progressive." Unless anti-racist pedagogy finds some way to bridge these gaps it will always remain a talking shop- garnering some lip service perhaps, but largely ignored or rejected, or alternatively (a) exploited as propaganda grist for the right-wing mills, or (b) serving as a stalking-horse or cover for other liberal white agendas.

Guilt3- Why the "white privilege industry" is not all there

Guilt2- Media collaborates with guilt mongers - or how to play the white victim card

How Obama plays on white guilt- Hilary capitalizes

Hands off the Confederate flag

Despite much more wealth than blacks, whites collect about the same rate of welfare and are treated more generously

African "boat people" ushering in European demographic decline

The forgotten Holocaust- King Leopold's "Congo Free State" - 10 million victims

Are violent minorities taking over California and the West?

Presidential hopeful Ben Carson meets and Greeks

Contra "ISIS" partisans, there have been some beneficial effects of Christianity

The social construction of race, compared to biology- Graves

 Why HBD or hereditarianism lacks credibility

Leading Scientists criticize hereditarian claims

Thai me down - Thais fall behind genetically related southern Chinese, Tibetans below genetically related East Asians like Koreans and other Chinese

Time for liberals to respect "the south" ... in a way of speaking.. the south of Egypt that is..

Irony 2: touted High IQ "G-men" cannot reproduce themselves

Unz and Sowell: Unz debunking Lynn's IQ and Wealth of Nations. Sowell debunking the Bell Curve

Irony 1: touted High IQ types are more homosexual, more atheist, and more liberal (HAL)

Elite white universities discriminate against Asians using reverse "affirmative action"

Deteriorating state of white America

Racial Cartels (The Affirmative Action Propaganda machine- part 2

Hereditarian's/HBD's "Great Black Hope"

Exploding nonsense: the 10,000 Year Explosion

We need "rational racism"? Proponent Dinesh D;Souza becomes his own test case

The Affirmative Action Propaganda Machine- part 1

Two rules for being "really" black- no white wimmen, no Republican

The Axial age reconsidered - or latitude not attitide

Cannibal seasonings: dark meat on white

"Affirmative Action" in the form of court remedies has been around a long time- since the 1930s- benefiting white union workers against discrimination by employers

Mugged by reality 1: White quotas, special preferences and government jobs

Lightweight enforcement of EEO laws contradicts claims of "flood" of minorities "taking jobs"

Railroaded 3: white violence and intimidation imposed quotas

Railroaded 2: how white quotas and special preferences blockade black progress...

Railroaded 1: How white affirmative action and white special preferences destroyed black railroad employment...

Affirmative action: primary beneficiaries are white women...

7 reasons certain libertarians and right-wingers are wrong about the Civil Right Act

Social philosophy of Thomas Sowell

Bogus "biodiversity" theories of Kanazawa, Ruston, Lynn debunked

JP Rushton, Michael Levin, Richard Lynn debunked. Weaknesses of Jared Diamond's approach.

In the Blood- debunking "HBD" and Neo-Nazi appropriation of ancient Egypt

early Europeans and middle Easterners looked like Africans. Peoples returning or "backflowing" to Africa would already be looking like Africans

 Ancient Egypt: one of the world's most advanced civilizations- created by tropical peoples

Playing the "Greek defence" -debunking claims of Greeks as paragons of virtue or exemplars of goodness

Quotations from mainstream academic research on the Nile Valley peoples

Assorted data debunking

Evolution, brain size, and the national IQ of peoples ... - Jelte Wicherts 2010

Why national IQs do not support evolutionary theories of intelligence - WIcherts, Borsboom and Dolan 2010
Personality and Individual Differences 48 (2010) 91-96
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Are intelligence tests measurement invariant over time? by JM Wicherts - ?2004
 --Dolan, Wicherts et al 2004. Investigating the nature of the Flynn effect. Intelligence 32 (2004) 509-537

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Race and other misadventures: essays in honor of Ashley Montagu... By Larry T. Reynolds, Leonard Lieberman

Race and intelligence: separating science from myth. By Jefferson M. Fish. Routledge 2002. See Templeton's detailed article referenced above also inside the book
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Oubre, A (2011) Race Genes and Ability: Rethinking Ethnic Differences, vol 1 and 2. BTI Press
For summary see:
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--S OY Keita, R A Kittles, et al. "Conceptualizing human variation," Nature Genetics 36, S17 - S20 (2004)

--S.O.Y. Keita and Rick Kittles. (1997) *The Persistence ofRacial Thinking and the Myth of Racial Divergence. AJPA, 99:3
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Alan Templeton. "The Genetic and Evolutionary significnce oF Human Races." pp 31-56. IN: J. FiSh (2002) Race and Intelligence: Separating scinnce from myth.

 J. FiSh (2002) Race and Intelligence: Separating science from myth.


-------------------------------- ---------------------

Oubre, A (2011) Race Genes and Ability: Rethinking Ethnic Differences, vol 1 and 2. BTI Press

Krimsky, S, Sloan.K (2011) Race and the Genetic Revolution: Science, Myth, and Culture

Wicherts and Johnson, 2009. Group differences in the heritability of items and test scores

--Joseph Graves, 2006. What We Know and What We Don’t Know: Human Genetic Variation and the Social Construction of Race

J. Kahn (2013) How a Drug Becomes "Ethnic" - Yale Journal of Health Policy, Law and Ethics, v4:1

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Oswald Durand said...

Research Data, the stuff you've written lately is damn good. When are you going to write a book putting all your research together along with your conclusions based on your "hard data"?

Research data said...

Sorry did not see this comment. Maybe one day I will do a book, but for now just content to l=put the stuff out there.