Across the web, a steady propaganda drumbeat proclaims a virtuous narrative. In one corner, innocent white people, paragons of "merit", and in the other- "undeserving minorities" who gain what they gain by oppressive "quotas" or "preferences." The drumbeat echoes the racialist Pioneer Fund's fulsome support of assorted "hereditarian" or "biodiversity" scholars- in turn fully endorsed by more innocuous, grandfatherly looking supporters like Charles Murray. But the music is not all it seems. The record shows that the alleged paragons of "merit" were anything but. This post draws on excerpts taken from Harvard Professor Daria Roithmayr's recent book: Reproducing Racism: How Everyday Choices Lock In White Advantage.
Rothmayr's argument is in favor of recasting "affirmative action" as an "anti-trust" anti-cartel measure, presumably allowing more mobilization of support. I find her notion problematic as a solution to the problem of racial monopolies or cartels. More "diversity" - however it is relabeled ("cartel" or no) is unlikely to gain much traction in today's skittish post-Affirmative Action environment. There are also deficiencies in the educational and skill pipelines, which are not producing the volume of qualified minority competitors in social, work and educational marketplaces, particularly among black males. Rather than focus on yet another round of "diversity", resources might be better spent on producing more from that pipeline.If there is $50,000 to blow for example, why spend it on another middle class "diversity coordinator" in some bureaucracy, or talking points "diversity seminar" where already well heeled people get paid, rather than say on hard-nosed Asian style tutoring at the grassroots that would benefit hundreds of struggling black kids directly? There seems to be plenty of money for assorted "diversity" structures but little for other things that might more directly benefit those who need help most. See Heather MacDonald's critique of bloated 'diversity' structures in academia here.
Roithmayr does nevertheless do a service in documenting the existence of racial cartels. Contrary to those who extol the benefits of pure competition as leading to "the end of racism", she shows, like others before her, that ANTI-competitive white racial cartels paid off handsomely for white people in US history. Rothmayr details below for example how white unions conducted strikes to force companies to fire productive black workers. Result: less competition, greater white wages, income and opportunity. This pattern is contrary to the propaganda narrative of virtuous white "merit" holding sway. Let's take a look at alleged white "role models" of "merit" and how they operated:
"On a cold winter morning in Memphis Tennessee Mississippi Illinois
A year later, the white switchman were back in Bodamer
office. This time, they had additional firepower, having gotten the backing of
the Brotherhood Of Railroad Trainmen, one of the big four railroad
Brotherhoods. Unable to risk another damaging strike, Bodamer and the railroad
caved to the switchmen's demands and fired almost all of the company's black
workers. At the committee's insistence, the railroad also adopted racially
restricted contracts that changed seniority systems and entrance requirements, that
limited the number of black workers for a particular position.* (Cite: Eric
and Sam, Brotherhood of color black railroad workers and the struggle for
equality 65-69. The success of the strike in Memphis
-------------------------------------------"How did white workers earn higher wages from discriminating? Classic collective action explains these wages as a sort of monopoly profit. By forming a union that excluded black workers and by pushing employers to hire whites only, white railroad workers could drive up wages relative to their black and brown counterparts.
Employers also profited from discrimination in their fight against unions. By dividing the labor market in two, railroads maintained a ready-made stable of black strikebreakers perpetually on call to undercut the power of the white union. For railroad and workers alike, then, discrimination was win-win. And those benefits came at the expense of black workers, in the same way that cartels displace the costs of their profits onto someone else."
--Daria Roithmayr. 2014. Reproducing Racism: How Everyday Choices Lock In White Advantage. pg 25-37
Roithmayr
also notes how profitable these racial cartels were and are as the gains made earlier are carried forward and passed down:
"But the lock-in story of racial disparity highlights a number of things about racial inequality that conventional explanations obscure. First, the lock-in model highlights the profits that whites earned from racial exclusion during Jim Crow. Economics scholars have always assumed that racism would die out because discriminating was too costly. On the contrary, the lock-in model demonstrates that racism can pay off, and did so handsomely during Jim Crow.
Chapters 2 and 3 describe the profit-maximizing behavior of Jim Crow 'racial cartels': - homeowners' associations, labor unions, political parties, school districts, and other groups that worked to generate monopoly profits by excluding competitors. By coordinating to keep the neighborhood pure, white homeowners' associations were able to keep for themselves the best houses, in the best neighborhoods, with the wealthiest neighbors. By excluding black and brown children from public schools, whites monopolized the best public education from themselves. By dividing the labor market into two racially identifiable segments, white unions earned the highest wages, in the most prestigious jobs. In the South, whites had a monopoly lock on political power for decades. As these chapters illustrate, during the era of Jim Crow, discrimination paid off quite well."
--Daria Roithmayr. 2014. Reproducing Racism: How Everyday Choices Lock In White Advantage. pg 25-37
Roithmayr's data on white profit and benefit is backed up by numerous other sources- a flood in fact. ensuring that whites always got most of the income and opportunities, often using violence. Below for example is information from Tennessee, and how blacks were forced out of employment when whites felt they were getting "too prosperous" even as far as low level jobs. When the negro failed to "keep his place" the so-caller "white-capper" terrorist operative emerged:
"Timber-cutting, lumber-milling, and stave-turning expanded rapidly in West Tennessee around 1900. By 1902, Negro labor gangs and camps were in use in several counties, and their efforts contributed toward Memphis’s development as one of the South’s leading lumber markets. Blacks, usually called “flatheads,” found employment in this industry because they would perform jobs for wages that few white men would accept. But in the western counties and throughout the heavily Negro-populated Mississippi Delta, blacks who moved from their traditional agricultural pursuits ran into resistance. Whitecapping regularly disrupted operations of those timber, milling, and stave companies that employed black labor. Tents were shot into at night, workers were harassed, and written threats were made to the effect that “if the owners . . . did not discharge the negroes . . . the mill[s] would be burned.” Often no reason other than general resentment at black employment was evident, but, on occasion, whitecappers specifically indicated that white men, at higher wages, should be given many of those jobs held by Negroes. For economic reasons, employers generally rejected racial demands, but fearful black workers often quit their jobs rather than risk harm.2
In Middle Tennessee a “great phosphate boom” took place in Maury County at the turn of the century. “Several thousand miners . . . nearly all of them negroes” hired on to perform the back-breaking tasks associated with both the strip (brown phosphate) and shaft (blue phosphate) mining operations. These blacks, most of whom were former farm tenants, labored willingly, at first, for regular pay of $1.20 per day. White resentment at this low-wage competition flared openly, however, causing many blacks to flee from their homes and jobs."
--Lester Lamon 1977. Black Tennesseans, 1900-1930. p 39
"The origin of the term "whitecapping” is unknown, but it undoubtedly goes back to the Reconstruction exploits of the Ku KluxKlan. In a study of the causes and course of whitecapping in a neighlxiring state, William F. Holmes defines the phenomenon in these terms: “Although newspapers sometimes used the term to describe all manner of crimes inflicted by whites upon Negroes, in Mississippi whitecapping specifically meant the attempt to force a person to abandon his home and property; it meant driving Negroes offland they owned or rented."--Lester Lamon 1977. Black Tennesseans, 1900-1930. p 113
As long as black people don't get a job here, we good...lol
Such patters were common. White people did not care much about "merit" or "law and order." Yet another incident below demonstrates white intransigence against blacks moving ahead in any way, and white deployment of ruthless violence to strangle even minimal black gains "by any means necessary:"
"On May 24, 1943, Alabama Dry Dock employed nearly 7,000 black workers, none of them in skilled occupations. Suddenly, in compliance with a six-month-old direc-tive from the President's Committee on Fair Employment Practice (FEPc), the once-recalcitrant company upgraded 12 blacks to welding jobs. The next morning, after the twelve men had gone home, the yard erupted. Responding to cries to "get every one of them Niggers off this island," enraged whites assaulted their black co-workers with pipes, clubs, and other weapons from their workaday world. Some blacks sus-tained serious injuries in the melee, and virtually all of them experienced hours of terror, which ended only when United States Army troops from nearby Brookley Field arrived on Pinto Island to restore order."
--FROM: Nelson, Bruce. 1993. Organized Labor and the Struggle for Black Equality in Mobile during World War II. The Journal of American History volume 80, issue 3
While white union workers were enjoying affirmative action protections, they bitterly opposed blacks getting all but the most menial jobs- even shutting down war production with strikes during WW2 to block and harass black people.
For example, in 1944 8000 white transit workers in Philadelphia when on
strike to protest the hiring of 8 blacks as motormen and conductors.
Apparently the blacks were not supposed to be employed in those
"reserved" positions. Alarmed that war production was suffering the
federal government brought in troops to run streetcars, trolleys and
buses. Similar hate strikes occurred in Detroit, Portland and elsewhere.
Source: Timothy N. Thurber - 2013. Republicans and Race: The Gop's
Frayed Relationship With African Americans, 1945-1974.
[b]Even President Harry Truman got pissed at racist "trend lines" viciously blocking blacks for racist whites murdered more qualified black workers to take their jobs. A letter by US President Harry S. Truman in 1948, details the murderous activity. Historians like Theodore Kornweibel document numerous instances on the railroads (Kornweibel 2010, Railroads in the African American Experience, 67-74. Says President Truman- QUOTE: [/b]
"When a Mayor and a City Marshal can take a negro Sergeant off a bus in South Carolina, beat him up and put out one of his eyes, and nothing is done about it by the State Authorities, something is radically wrong with the system.
On the Louisiana and Arkansas Railway when coal burning locomotives were used, the negro firemen were the thing because it was a backbreaking job and a dirty one. As soon as they turned to oil as a fuel it became customary for people to take shots at the negro firemen and a number were murdered because it was thought that this was now a white-collar job and should go to a white man. I can’t approve of such goings on and I shall never approve it, as long as I am here, as I told you before. I am going to try to remedy it and if that ends up in my failure to be reelected, that failure will be in a good cause.
1 know you haven’t thought this thing through and that you do not know the facts. I am happy, however, that you wrote me because it gives me a chance to tell you what the facts are.
Sincerely yours,
Harry S. Truman"
Letter of President Harry S Truman, 1948 to Earnest W. Roberts.
From: Off the Record: The Private Papers of Harry S. Truman
Robert H. Ferrell, ed.l 997, pg 147
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[b]More data: Strikes designed to block and intimidate black workers [/b]
- QUOTE:
"Many [strikes] were based on racism as whites objected to African Americans getting new jobs in defense plants. Perhaps the most shameful occurred in Baltimore, where black employees rose from 2 percent to 29 percent at a Western Electric plant in the first two years of the war.. 'twenty-two white women walked off their after one black woman was transferred into their formally all white department.' Their objection focused on integrated toilet facilities which previously had been segregated by race. When the War Labor Board ruled in favor of integration, 'about 70 percent of the company's workers' struck- a percentage that included almost all white workers both men and women.. Army troops took over the company for the first three months of 1944 -until the company gave into the white workers and re-segregated restrooms."
-- Doris Weatherford 2009, American women during World War 2: An Encyclopedia. pg 436
Meanwhile free market" discrimination continued unabated on the railroads. Interestingly, many libertarians like Dinesh D'souza and Chares Murray would repeal the sections of the Civil Rights Act covering Private entities like unions. THis would suit private entities, and other private entities like bus companies, banks, and unions quite well, and quite profitably, and would enhance discrimination against blacks in US society. But private white unions and white workers did quite well with discrimination before the Act. As studies of the old FEPC show- QUOTE:
-QUOTE-
[i]"The FEPC [Fair Employment Practices Commission] detailed in its summary, findings and directives the consequences for the negro workers of the agreement that was finally signed:
Under the [union] agreement.. it is apparent that the situation is only slightly less serious than that intended to be created by the Brotherhoods [unions].. white firemen are virtually guaranteed at least 50% of the jobs in each class if service, regardless of seniority, whereas there is no floor whatever under the number of Negro firemen. Secondly, the Agreement ended the employment of Negro firemen wherever their numbers exceeded 50% of the total, and despite the existing firemen shortage. The carriers and the union have preferred to struggle along with insufficient and inexperienced men rather than utilize the services of experienced Negro firemen ready and willing to work... the percentage rule and the provisions relating to vacancies and new runs have so greatly impaired the seniority rights of Negro firemen and inflated those of junior white firemen that the better jobs have become or are rapidly becoming the monopoly of the white firemen...
A Negro fireman's complaint against the Louisville and Nashville Railroad Company stated... My bid [for an open job] was not recognized and the run was given to a junior white fireman. I was compelled to remain on my night job. I was not allowed to exercise my seniority against a white fireman no matter how short the period or term of his service."[/i]
{ENDQUOTE}
--Herbert Hill, 1985, Black Labor and the American Legal System: Race, Work, and the Law. pp 348-351
pg 367:
[i]"When collective bargaining was instituted in the industry, all facets of the bargaining process operated to the disadvantage of the Negro. The railroad unions excluded Negroes from membership and jobs; yet those save unions received government sanction as collective bargaining agents, and labor agreements which restricted Negro employment were approved by the Federal Government.* Discriminatory labor contracts negotiated by railroads and labor unions during the 1940s were often continued into the 1960s.. In 1965 Benjamin F. Grant, a black laborer, applied for a vacant position of hostler helper. He received no further information on his application until he learned that the job had been awarded to a white fireman. The company had originally claimed that Grant was rejected because he was too old for the position. However the successful white applicant was two years older than Grant.
The Railroad contended that Grant was ineligible for the position because the company was bound by a labor agreement with Local 616.. which limited promotions of hostler only to firemen. In practice this meant that only white workers were eligible for promotion. The investigation disclosed that the company employed no black firemen and that, in fact, it had never employed black firemen... In its finding of reasonable cause, the commission concluded that... The white employee was given the job despite the fact that he had less seniority than the Charging Party, and despite the fact that the Charging Party's job duties as a laborer were often similar to those of a fireman thereby satisfying the experience requirement. The Memorandum of Agreement.. is therefore clearly an instrument of discrimination and has been used to effectively exclude Negroes.."[/i]
--Herbert Hill, 1985, Black Labor and the American Legal System: Race, Work, and the Law. p. 367
Other New Deal agencies also maintained policies harmful to blacks. The Federal Housing Administration created under the 1934 National Housing Act, boosted the ailing construction industry while simultaneously encouraging residential segregation.. The agency also refused to grant African Americans mortgages on homes purchased in white communities. Agencies providing direct work on government-funded projects excluded blacks as well. The employment rolls of the rural electrification project of the Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA) were less than 1% African American, and vocational schools and training programs of the TVA excluded blacks. In the Civilian Conservation Corps, one of the most prominent government programs in the rural South, only 5% of those enrolled were black in 1933. By 1935 a conference held in Washington titled "The Position of the Negro in the Present Economic Crisis" gathered prominent equality advocates.. The outcome of the conference was a resounding condemnation of every program of the New Deal as antagonistic to African Americans."
One of the worse strikes during WW2, a strike that hurt war production, was in Philadelphia- the nation's third largest war production center- where white workers shut down critical war production because the transport company hired a few black transit drivers. The strike shut down the entire city, crippling urgently needed war output. The key reason for the strike was not only to block black progress, but to maintain an exalted white status above the bleks. QUOTE:
"Of all the hate strikes during World War II, the costliest took place at the Philadelphia Transportation Company (PTC), when 8,000 white employees walked out in August 1944. The strike shut down the nation’s third-largest war production center for six days and forced President Roosevelt to use armed troops to end it. At the time, the strike was widely regarded as a terrible blow to America’s war effort..
African Americans argued in their Double V campaign, had to be about defeating fascism abroad and Jim Crow at home. In Philadelphia, they took the battle to such discriminatory companies as the Pennsylvania Railroad, AT&T, and, most prominently, the Philadelphia Transportation Company (PTC). The PTC had hired black workers for decades and had some 500 African-American workers in the early 1940s, but they were relegated to menial labor. Black employees were not allowed to drive transit vehicles or interact with the public. As the New York newspaper PM put it, “PTC has operated along Southern lines [for years and white workers have] simply accepted the fact that [driving] is a white man’s job, and no Negro is going to get it.” This attitude galled black Philadelphians because the PTC was a semi-public company that received taxes as well as fares from the black community.
Angered by the discrimination, black Philadelphians, with the support of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), pressed PTC management for driving jobs. PTC president Ralph Senter refused to consider the idea, saying the company could not promote African Americans without the consent of the Philadelphia Rapid Transit Employees Union (PRTEU), a company union unaffiliated with the AFL or the CIO. PRTEU leaders worked closely with the company, keeping wages down as a quid pro quo for white workers’ control of the best jobs. Rank-and-file white workers knew their wages were about 10 percent below the rates in Chicago, Detroit, and New York, but they accepted their lower pay in exchange for the racial prerogatives they received. This arrangement, observed the NAACP’s Crisis, meant that “regardless of [qualifications] a Negro could never hope to fill certain jobs, such as conductors, motormen, [or] bus drivers.” Both PTC management and its white workers believed they benefited from the arrangement, and neither felt obliged to open jobs to African Americans.
.. a decision by the Fair Employment Practices Committee that ordered the company to cease its discrimination. Confronted by black workers’ demands, TWU bargaining agents, and FEPC orders, management backed down and agreed to employ black workers as drivers, starting August 1, 1944. In the weeks leading up to the black drivers’ start date, a number of white PTC employees (many of whom were former leaders of the deposed PRTEU) made it clear they would not accept African-American promotions. Some of these workers came from the Jim Crow South, especially Virginia and the Carolinas, and the thought of working as equals with African Americans infuriated them. However, many of the workers were longtime residents of Philadelphia: Irish and Italian Philadelphians made up 70 percent of the transit company’s workforce and they had participated in the PTC’s discriminatory employment system for decades. Longtime Philadelphians and new immigrants from the South were equally willing to discriminate against African Americans..
the Depression.
At 4:00 a.m. on August 1, 1944, a few dozen white drivers refused to work and asked the rest of the employees to join them. By noon, the transit system had come to a halt and the city was at a standstill. Philadelphia’s key industries fell idle because their employees could not get to work. In all, manufacturers reported the first few days of the strike cost them 3 million hours of lost labor (25 percent of the city’s production capacity). One military official warned that if the strike continued it would “delay the day of victory.” PTC management demonstrated its complicity in the hate strike from the start. Rather than trying to break the strike by having supervisors and willing workers drive, the PTC shut down the high-speed lines and closed its ticket windows. It left its carbarns open so strike leaders could meet to plot strategy and hold rallies to inflame the workforce. And it blamed the FEPC for fomenting the strike, which the company argued would only end if African Americans, the government, and the TWU backed down and accepted discrimination on the transit lines.
Government officials replied that such an arrangement was out of the question, so the PTC happily stepped aside from further deliberations, hoping the strike would lead to the TWU’s demise.
In strike meetings, the drivers made it clear that their greatest fears were the loss of their jobs and the denigration of their status as white Americans. “We don’t want Negroes and we won’t work with Negroes,” Frank Carney, one of the strike leaders, told a cheering crowd “[because] this is a white man’s job.” For many of the workers, this was not just a matter of keeping blacks down, but of whites maintaining their status, too. “This is a case of the white race keeping its place [emphasis in original],” observed one man. Meanwhile another strike leader, James McMenamin, claimed that merely sharing a bench with black drivers between runs would contaminate white workers. “Their standard of living,” he told a reporter, “is very far below the standard of operators.” White workers would get “bedbugs” if they had to sit next to African Americans.
Although the strikers were adamant in their refusal to work with black workers, the walkout’s damage to war production just two months after D-Day meant President Roosevelt had to crush the strike. On August 3 he ordered the military to seize the PTC, and on August 5 General Philip Hayes led 5,000 troops into Philadelphia. They came prepared to drive buses and trains and enforce the black workers’ promotions. At the same time, the Selective Service threatened to revoke the draft deferments of all striking workers. In this case, the power of the federal government came down squarely on the black workers’ side and forced white PTC employees to bring their hate strike to an end one week after it began."
--The Encyclopedia of Strikes in American History-Aaron Brenner, Benjamin Day, Immanuel Ness - (2009). pp 128-132
Genesis of "affirmative action"
This post makes no brief for shaky "diversity" systems and in fact questions the resources being diverted there, rather than being spent directly with the masses at ground level, on specific projects that will improve outcomes in education, skill, talent and work. The pipeline of talent and skill should be the ultimate focus. The situation is somewhat analogous to well-heeled western consultants and bureaucrats jetting in to poor Third World nations to hold yet another round of seminars or workshops, while outside the toiling masses see no resources or cash on the ground that benefits the grassroots. The bureaucrats get paid, not the masses. Nevertheless the wide propaganda narrative about alleged white "merit" compared to minorities allegedly "getting things handed to them" is exposed as bogus, by a clear-eyed look at the reality of racial cartels and monopolies, and how they have and still benefit those holding the controlling levers..
Interestingly enough, "affirmative action" began as a measure to benefit whites, namely white union members who were discriminated against due to union membership. Courts realized that merely telling discriminators to "please stop" was inadequate and that enforcement remedies were needed. There was little objection when whites were benefiting from such remedies. QUOTE:
"The general principle behind "affirmative action" is that a court order to "cease and desist" from some discriminatory practice may not be sufficient to undo the harm already done, or even to prevent additional harm as the result of a pattern of events set in motion by the prior illegal activity. This general principle goes back much further than the civil-rights legislation of the 1960's, and extends well beyond questions involving ethnic minorities or women. In 1935, the Wagner Act prescribed "affirmative action" as well as "cease and desist" remedies against employers whose anti-union activities had violated the law. Thus, in the landmark Jones and Laughlin Steel case which established the constitutionality of the Act, the National Labor Relations Board ordered the company not only to stop discriminating against those of its employees who were union members, but also to post notices to that effect in conspicuous places and to reinstate unlawfully discharged workers, with back pay. Had the company merely been ordered to "cease and desist" from economic (and physical) retaliation against union members,the future effect of its past intimidation would have continued to inhibit the free-choice elections guaranteed by the National Labor Relations Act.
Racial discrimination is another obvious area where merely to "cease and desist" is not enough. If a firm has engaged in racial discrimination for years, and has an all-white work force as a result, then simply to stop explicit discrimination will mean little as long as the firm continues to hire by word-of-mouth referrals to its current employees' friends and relatives. (Many firms hire in just this way, regardless of their racial policies.) Clearly, the area of racial discrimination is one in which positive or affirmative steps of some kind seem reasonable-which is not to say that the particular policies actually followed make sense."
--Sowell, Thomas (1975) Affirmative Action Reconsidered. The Public Interest 3, pg 48-65
When Affirmative Action Was White- (2005) author Katznelson traces history to show that goals, timetables and quotas were specifically put in place to benefit whites at the expense of blacks beginning in the New Deal era. Indeed such quotas were embraced by southern whites with the specific understanding that they would benefit and not blacks. In program after program, blacks were cut out of the loop and sidelined while whites garnered the benefits and filled body count quotas. Katznelson shows how this was accomplished while whites used a seemingly "race neutral" approach.
EXCERPT from some book reviews:
"Rather than seeing affirmative action developing out of the Civil Rights movement of the 1960s, Katznelson finds its origins in the New Deal policies of the 1930s and 1940s. And instead of seeing it as a leg up for minorities, Katznelson argues that the prehistory of affirmative action was supported by Southern Democrats who were actually devoted to preserving a strict racial hierarchy, and that the resulting legislation was explicitly designed for the majority: its policies made certain, he argues, that whites received the full benefit of rising prosperity while blacks were deliberately left out. Katznelson supports this startling claim ingeniously, showing, for instance, that while the 1938 Fair Labor Standards Act was a great boon for factory workers, it did nothing for maids and agricultural laborers—employment sectors dominated by blacks at the time—at the behest of Southern politicians. Similarly, Katznelson makes a strong case that the GI Bill, an ostensibly color-blind initiative, unfairly privileged white veterans by turning benefits administration over to local governments, thereby ensuring that Southern blacks would find it nearly impossible to participate...
Katznelson places into contemporary context the cause of racial inequity that is directly related to government policies, which are widely believed to benefit blacks but which have actually benefited whites. He eschews the more generalist focus on slavery and white supremacy as the causes of racial inequality and focuses on government policies of the New Deal and post-World War II distribution of veteran benefits. He identifies in a practical sense government policies, most of which appear neutral on their face, that were designed to restrict blacks and, in fact, impeded them from progressing commensurate with white America. The war economy and labor needs expanded opportunities for blacks and substantially reduced economic disparities. But postwar policies to promote home ownership and labor laws regarding minimum wages deliberately excluded blacks. Other policies providing the engine that produced today's middle class, including the GI benefits that financed college education, reinforced the discriminatory patterns...
From a NY Times review:
This history has been told before, but Katznelson offers a penetrating new analysis, supported by vivid examples and statistics. He examines closely how the federal government discriminated against black citizens as it created and administered the sweeping social programs that provided the vital framework for a vibrant and secure American middle class. Considered revolutionary at the time, the new legislation included the Social Security system, unemployment compensation, the minimum wage, protection of the right of workers to join labor unions and the G.I. Bill of Rights.
Even though blacks benefited to a degree from many of these programs, Katznelson shows how and why they received far less assistance than whites did. He documents the political process by which powerful Southern Congressional barons shaped the programs in discriminatory ways -- as their price for supporting them. (A black newspaper editorial criticized Roosevelt for excluding from the minimum wage law the black women who worked long hours for $4.50 a week at the resort the president frequented in Warm Springs, Ga.)
At the time, most blacks in the labor force were employed in agriculture or as domestic household workers. Members of Congress from the Deep South demanded that those occupations be excluded from the minimum wage, Social Security, unemployment insurance and workmen's compensation. When labor unions scored initial victories in organizing poor factory workers in the South after World War II, the Southern Congressional leaders spearheaded legislation to cripple those efforts. The Southerners' principal objective, Katznelson contends, was to safeguard the racist economic and social order known as the Southern "way of life."
Katznelson's principal focus is on the monumental social programs of Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal and Harry Truman's Fair Deal in the 1930's and 1940's. He contends that those programs not only discriminated against blacks, but actually contributed to widening the gap between white and black Americans -- judged in terms of educational achievement, quality of jobs and housing, and attainment of higher income. Arguing for the necessity of affirmative action today, Katznelson contends that policy makers and the judiciary previously failed to consider just how unfairly blacks had been treated by the federal government in the 30 years before the civil rights revolution of the 1960's.
I wrote about the impact of the G.I. Bill and segregated suburbia in "How Integrated is your neighborhood?" Katznelson goes much deeper into just how post WWII programs set the stage for minority exclusion from upward mobility.
Katznelson reserves his harshest criticism for the unfair application of the Servicemen's Readjustment Act, known as the G.I. Bill of Rights, a series of programs that poured $95 billion into expanding opportunity for soldiers returning from World War II. Over all, the G.I. Bill was a dramatic success, helping 16 million veterans attend college, receive job training, start businesses and purchase their first homes. Half a century later, President Clinton praised the G.I. Bill as ''the best deal ever made by Uncle Sam,'' and said it ''helped to unleash a prosperity never before known.''
But Katznelson demonstrates that African-American veterans received significantly less help from the G.I. Bill than their white counterparts. ''Written under Southern auspices,'' he reports, ''the law was deliberately designed to accommodate Jim Crow.'' He cites one 1940's study that concluded it was ''as though the G.I. Bill had been earmarked 'For White Veterans Only.' '' Southern Congressional leaders made certain that the programs were directed not by Washington but by local white officials, businessmen, bankers and college administrators who would honor past practices. As a result, thousands of black veterans in the South -- and the North as well -- were denied housing and business loans, as well as admission to whites-only colleges and universities. They were also excluded from job-training programs for careers in promising new fields like radio and electrical work, commercial photography and mechanics. Instead, most African-Americans were channeled toward traditional, low-paying ''black jobs'' and small black colleges, which were pitifully underfinanced and ill equipped to meet the needs of a surging enrollment of returning soldiers.
The statistics on disparate treatment are staggering. By October 1946, 6,500 former soldiers had been placed in non-farm jobs by the employment service in Mississippi; 86 percent of the skilled and semiskilled jobs were filled by whites, 92 percent of the unskilled ones by blacks. In New York and northern New Jersey, ''fewer than 100 of the 67,000 mortgages insured by the G.I. Bill supported home purchases by nonwhites.'' Discrimination continued as well in elite Northern colleges. The University of Pennsylvania, along with Columbia the least discriminatory of the Ivy League colleges, enrolled only 46 black students in its student body of 9,000 in 1946. The traditional black colleges did not have places for an estimated 70,000 black veterans in 1947. At the same time, white universities were doubling their enrollments and prospering with the infusion of public and private funds, and of students with their G.I. benefits."
Far from being for allegedly "exclusive" black benefit- Affirmative action has been long expanded other groups besides blacks- the case of so-called business "preferences"- Thomas Sowell
Conservative scholar Thomas Sowell 2004 in his study of preferential policies around the world notes that a particular tendency of such policies is to extend them to cover ever more classes and groups, some far beyond the original intended beneficiaries. White female beneficiaries are a typical casein point but Sowell notes that other groups- some relatively affluent or privileged foreigners have also been cashing in on programs ostensibly designed to help US Blacks. The propaganda machine however is conveniently light on such facts, with its bogus picture of allegedly "exclusive" benefit for "the blacks" even as whites and others, reap most of the benefit. Now where have we seen such right-wing distortion before? QUOTE:
"Because minority immigrants are eligible for affirmative action, even though they have obviously suffered no past discrimination in the United States, members of the Fanjul family from Cuba.with a fortune exceeding $500 million.have received government contracts set aside for minority businesses. An absolute majority of the money paid to minority-owned construction firms in Washington, D.C., during the period from 1986 to 1990 went to European businessmen from Portugal. Asian entrepreneurs have likewise immigrated to the United States and then acquired preferential access to government contracts. Such results once again demonstrate how far the reality of affirmative action departs from its rationale of remedying past discrimination.
Although affirmative action began as a program primarily intended to benefit blacks, most of the minority and women-owned businesses favored by government preferences are owned by groups other than blacks. More than four times as many businesses are owned by Hispanics and Asian Americans and thirteen times as many businesses are owned by women as by blacks. Moreover, even within this omnibus category of minority and women-owned businesses, some evidence suggests that the vast majority of firms receive nothing from these preferences, while a relatively few receive the bulk of the benefits. In Cincinnati, for example, the city vendor list identified 682 such firms, but 13 percent of these firms received 62 percent of all the preferential contracts and 83 percent of the money. Nationally, only about one-fourth of one percent of minority-owned enterprises were even certified as entitled to preferences under the Small Business Administration. Then, even among this tiny fraction of minority firms, 2 percent received 40 percent of the money."
--Thomas Sowell 2004. Affirmative Action Around the World. p 121
White university "legacy" admissions use quota-like preferential politices to benefit mostly whites, while at the same time white hypocritically condemn so-called "quotas for blacks" that are trivial in relation to the numbers of whites benefiting from such preferential policies.
As far as college admissions wealthy whites easily buy their way into elite colleges as shown in detail by Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Daniel Golden in his book The Price of Admission: How America’s Ruling Class Buys Its Way into Elite Colleges—and Who Gets Left Outside the Gates. Golden shows how mediocre or low-ranked whites get access due to their parent's wealth. He also shows how minorities are penalized when "athletic scholarships" are given to wealthy whites for participating in relativelylow interest sports that generate significantly less interest (or revenue) than mainstream sports. As he says:
"Colleges discriminate against minorities and low- and middle-income students by reserving slots—and, outside the Ivy League, scholarships—for athletes in sports only rich white people tend to play."
White unions in another apartheid state, South Africa, also moved massively and violently to impose racial cartels. The huge 1922 "Rand Revolt" or strike by white miners because 25 blacks were hired for so-called "reserved white jobs" illustrates this. Authorities wee forced to expend massive resources to suppress the white workers' strike.
Quote:
"In January 1922 white mine workers on the Rand went on strike over the opening of 25 semi-skilled positions, previously reserved for whites, to blacks. As 80 percent of white mine workers were Afrikaners, a nationalist newspaper urged members of the Active Citizen Force to ignore the call-up. Inspired by a mixture of socialist and Boer republican ideals, the strikers organized commandos, practiced military drill, prepared stretcher parties, and fashioned uniforms. The state mobilized 7,966 police but this was insufficient. Striker commandos erected road blocks, raided mines and police stations, and hunted down and murdered over 40 blacks. Smuts, now prime minister, mobilized the Active Citizen Force and on March 10 proclaimed martial law on the Rand and nearby areas. Fourteen thousand Permanent and Citizen Force soldiers were sent to suppress the strikers who military commanders referred to as 'revolutionaries.'
In the subsequent fighting, the rebels initially seemed successful as they held Brakpan and were contesting control of Benoni and Springs. Airplanes from the fledgling South African Air Force (SAAF) strafed the Workers’ Hall in Benoni and dropped supplies to besieged police stations. An airplane carrying the air force director, Colonel Pierre van Ryneveld, was shot down though he survived. Rebels attacked a detachment of Imperial Light Horse at Doornfontein and the Transvaal Scottish, on its way by rail to the East Rand, was ambushed at Dunswart suffering heavy casualties. A state counterattack began on March 12 with the seizure of Brixton Ridge and the next day General Van Deventer led the relief of police stations at Brakpan and Benoni. On March 14, artillery shelled the striker stronghold at Fordsburg Square that was captured later that day. The strike was called off on March 17. This ‘‘Rand Revolt’’ seemed much like a war. Overall, 153 people, including 29 police, were killed and 534 injured. After the rebellion, 4,750 people were arrested and 18 sentenced to death of which 4 were actually executed. The police seized 1 machine gun, 1,400 rifles and shotguns, 745 revolvers, and 60,000 rounds of ammunition.
Smuts was blamed for letting the situation get out of control, and in the 1924 election he was defeated by a nationalist and labor coalition under Hertzog.11Racial segregation was further entrenched and in the 1930s South Africa, like other dominions, gained more autonomy from Britain and the Cape’s nonracial franchise was abolished."-- Timothy J. Stapleton. 2010. A Military History of South Africa From the Dutch-Khoi Wars to the End of Apartheid, p 135-136
OTHER LINKS
"On May 24, 1943, Alabama Dry Dock employed nearly 7,000 black workers, none of them in skilled occupations. Suddenly, in compliance with a six-month-old direc-tive from the President's Committee on Fair Employment Practice (FEPc), the once-recalcitrant company upgraded 12 blacks to welding jobs. The next morning, after the twelve men had gone home, the yard erupted. Responding to cries to "get every one of them Niggers off this island," enraged whites assaulted their black co-workers with pipes, clubs, and other weapons from their workaday world. Some blacks sus-tained serious injuries in the melee, and virtually all of them experienced hours of terror, which ended only when United States Army troops from nearby Brookley Field arrived on Pinto Island to restore order."
--FROM: Nelson, Bruce. 1993. Organized Labor and the Struggle for Black Equality in Mobile during World War II. The Journal of American History volume 80, issue 3
While white union workers were enjoying affirmative action protections, they bitterly opposed blacks getting all but the most menial jobs- even shutting down war production with strikes during WW2 to block and harass black people.
[b]Even President Harry Truman got pissed at racist "trend lines" viciously blocking blacks for racist whites murdered more qualified black workers to take their jobs. A letter by US President Harry S. Truman in 1948, details the murderous activity. Historians like Theodore Kornweibel document numerous instances on the railroads (Kornweibel 2010, Railroads in the African American Experience, 67-74. Says President Truman- QUOTE: [/b]
"When a Mayor and a City Marshal can take a negro Sergeant off a bus in South Carolina, beat him up and put out one of his eyes, and nothing is done about it by the State Authorities, something is radically wrong with the system.
On the Louisiana and Arkansas Railway when coal burning locomotives were used, the negro firemen were the thing because it was a backbreaking job and a dirty one. As soon as they turned to oil as a fuel it became customary for people to take shots at the negro firemen and a number were murdered because it was thought that this was now a white-collar job and should go to a white man. I can’t approve of such goings on and I shall never approve it, as long as I am here, as I told you before. I am going to try to remedy it and if that ends up in my failure to be reelected, that failure will be in a good cause.
1 know you haven’t thought this thing through and that you do not know the facts. I am happy, however, that you wrote me because it gives me a chance to tell you what the facts are.
Sincerely yours,
Harry S. Truman"
Letter of President Harry S Truman, 1948 to Earnest W. Roberts.
From: Off the Record: The Private Papers of Harry S. Truman
Robert H. Ferrell, ed.l 997, pg 147
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- QUOTE:
"Many [strikes] were based on racism as whites objected to African Americans getting new jobs in defense plants. Perhaps the most shameful occurred in Baltimore, where black employees rose from 2 percent to 29 percent at a Western Electric plant in the first two years of the war.. 'twenty-two white women walked off their after one black woman was transferred into their formally all white department.' Their objection focused on integrated toilet facilities which previously had been segregated by race. When the War Labor Board ruled in favor of integration, 'about 70 percent of the company's workers' struck- a percentage that included almost all white workers both men and women.. Army troops took over the company for the first three months of 1944 -until the company gave into the white workers and re-segregated restrooms."
-- Doris Weatherford 2009, American women during World War 2: An Encyclopedia. pg 436
Meanwhile free market" discrimination continued unabated on the railroads. Interestingly, many libertarians like Dinesh D'souza and Chares Murray would repeal the sections of the Civil Rights Act covering Private entities like unions. THis would suit private entities, and other private entities like bus companies, banks, and unions quite well, and quite profitably, and would enhance discrimination against blacks in US society. But private white unions and white workers did quite well with discrimination before the Act. As studies of the old FEPC show- QUOTE:
-QUOTE-
[i]"The FEPC [Fair Employment Practices Commission] detailed in its summary, findings and directives the consequences for the negro workers of the agreement that was finally signed:
Under the [union] agreement.. it is apparent that the situation is only slightly less serious than that intended to be created by the Brotherhoods [unions].. white firemen are virtually guaranteed at least 50% of the jobs in each class if service, regardless of seniority, whereas there is no floor whatever under the number of Negro firemen. Secondly, the Agreement ended the employment of Negro firemen wherever their numbers exceeded 50% of the total, and despite the existing firemen shortage. The carriers and the union have preferred to struggle along with insufficient and inexperienced men rather than utilize the services of experienced Negro firemen ready and willing to work... the percentage rule and the provisions relating to vacancies and new runs have so greatly impaired the seniority rights of Negro firemen and inflated those of junior white firemen that the better jobs have become or are rapidly becoming the monopoly of the white firemen...
A Negro fireman's complaint against the Louisville and Nashville Railroad Company stated... My bid [for an open job] was not recognized and the run was given to a junior white fireman. I was compelled to remain on my night job. I was not allowed to exercise my seniority against a white fireman no matter how short the period or term of his service."[/i]
{ENDQUOTE}
--Herbert Hill, 1985, Black Labor and the American Legal System: Race, Work, and the Law. pp 348-351
pg 367:
[i]"When collective bargaining was instituted in the industry, all facets of the bargaining process operated to the disadvantage of the Negro. The railroad unions excluded Negroes from membership and jobs; yet those save unions received government sanction as collective bargaining agents, and labor agreements which restricted Negro employment were approved by the Federal Government.* Discriminatory labor contracts negotiated by railroads and labor unions during the 1940s were often continued into the 1960s.. In 1965 Benjamin F. Grant, a black laborer, applied for a vacant position of hostler helper. He received no further information on his application until he learned that the job had been awarded to a white fireman. The company had originally claimed that Grant was rejected because he was too old for the position. However the successful white applicant was two years older than Grant.
The Railroad contended that Grant was ineligible for the position because the company was bound by a labor agreement with Local 616.. which limited promotions of hostler only to firemen. In practice this meant that only white workers were eligible for promotion. The investigation disclosed that the company employed no black firemen and that, in fact, it had never employed black firemen... In its finding of reasonable cause, the commission concluded that... The white employee was given the job despite the fact that he had less seniority than the Charging Party, and despite the fact that the Charging Party's job duties as a laborer were often similar to those of a fireman thereby satisfying the experience requirement. The Memorandum of Agreement.. is therefore clearly an instrument of discrimination and has been used to effectively exclude Negroes.."[/i]
--Herbert Hill, 1985, Black Labor and the American Legal System: Race, Work, and the Law. p. 367
[b]In numerous cities, white quotas and job reservations
imposed by white unions froze qualified blacks out of employment in the
building trades. White unions used “gentleman’s agreements” with employers to
oust black workers or keep them out, confinement to “colored” areas (but whites
could displace blacks in these areas at will), denial of apprenticeship
training, and second-class “colored” auxiliary unions. Cities
like Miami
“Throughout the first half of the decade, not a single
construction-related union admitted black applicants, no matter how highly
qualified. This left black craftsmen, who were determined to work as skilled
mechanics.. with little recourse but to form their own unions.. Generally these
organizations served as segregated auxiliaries of the regular white unions..
These Jim Crow unions had difficulty conducting business.
Discriminatory hiring-hall practices, for instance, limited the scope of
employment for African-Americans. Invariable, white union bosses enforced
“gentlemen's agreements” restricting black operatives to job sites in “colored”
districts while reserving all work in white areas for whites. During the mid-1950s,
union managers violated these covenants whenever business in white areas
tapered off, however, “furloughing” black artisans so that out-of-work whites
could find employment in black neighborhoods..
[b]White quota enforcers collected money from black unionists in
second-class auxiliaries, but failed to deliver apprenticeship training
that would have helped black workers progress. They took the money, then
shafted the blacks.[/b]
QUOTE:
Workmen in “colored” auxiliaries paid union dues to the main
local, but they seldom received voting rights or other privileges.. labor
contracts secured for white union members. Furthermore, not one of Miami
--Eric Tscheschlol, 1977. “So Goes The Negro”: Race and
Labor in Miami Florida
[b]Local white government regimes, working in tandem with
white unions even gave them control over some vocational training in schools,
which they used to deliver watered down, low-quality training for low-level
“negro jobs” [/b] QUOTE:
“..the city's conservative leadership accorded flag-waving AFL
organizations carte blanche to tighten racial controls. In the early 1950s,
therefore, union officials were allowed to dictate the curricula of black
vocational schools in Dade County
--Eric Tscheschlol, 1977. “So Goes The Negro”: Race and
Labor in Miami Florida
[b]White quotas not only froze out qualified blacks and
blocked blacks from training but intimidated employers who sought to hire
blacks, even threatening violence when white employers attempted to give black
workers a chance- hampering black progress [/b]
QUOTE:
“Unions representing carpenters, painters, tilesetters,
sheetmetal workers, and nearly all other building tradesmen held firmly to the
color bar, refusing to admit qualified black mechanics.. By the same token,
union leaders continued to enforce covenants preventing black artisans from
working outside “colored” areas. And not infrequently, union officials
maintained this arrangement by compelling contractors to refuse jobs to black
workmen. In 1955 for example, when one contractor attempted to employ
African-American carpenters on a “white” project, he was informed by the AFL
business agent that “he’d better lay off if he didn't want something to happen
to his building.” Even the newly integrated bricklayers local adopted a policy
prohibiting the use of interracial work details..
In the early 1960s, several state agencies documented the
extent of racial bias in Miami
--Eric Tscheschlol, 1977. “So Goes The Negro”: Race and
Labor in Miami Florida
[b]During the Depression, white quotas and special preferences fiercely imposed- [/b]
QUOTE:
"In cities such as Atlanta, whites formed groups to ensure that whites received preference over blacks in service jobs that whites once disdained as "Negro work." By 1932, more than one half of black job seekers in the urban south were unable to obtain employment. To exacerbate the situation, local and state relief rarely extended to desperate African Americans. Even churches and charitable organizations sometimes refused blacks a meal in their soup kitchen or any other type of aid... Southern contractors and labor unions opposed the employment of blacks in Public Works Administration (PWA) contracts. Many of the programs wre operated at the local level, where officials felt free to discriminate against black applicants.. Even the Social Security Act of 1935 excluded farmers and domestic workers from its old-age pension program; a large percentage working in those occupations were African Americans. The Agricultural Adjustment Administration (AAA), which aimed to provide relief to farmers, initially turned out to be one of the most detrimental programs for southern blacks. The AAA program sought to raise the dismal price of cotton by reducing the number of acres in production. This resulted in a mass eviction of as many as a half million black farmers..
Other New Deal agencies also maintained policies harmful to blacks. The Federal Housing Administration created under the 1934 National Housing Act, boosted the ailing construction industry while simultaneously encouraging residential segregation.. The agency also refused to grant African Americans mortgages on homes purchased in white communities. Agencies providing direct work on government-funded projects excluded blacks as well. The employment rolls of the rural electrification project of the Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA) were less than 1% African American, and vocational schools and training programs of the TVA excluded blacks. In the Civilian Conservation Corps, one of the most prominent government programs in the rural South, only 5% of those enrolled were black in 1933. By 1935 a conference held in Washington titled "The Position of the Negro in the Present Economic Crisis" gathered prominent equality advocates.. The outcome of the conference was a resounding condemnation of every program of the New Deal as antagonistic to African Americans."
--Encyclopedia of African American History: 1896 to the Present, Volume 1. 2009.
edited by Paul Finkelma. pg 322-325
"Of all the hate strikes during World War II, the costliest took place at the Philadelphia Transportation Company (PTC), when 8,000 white employees walked out in August 1944. The strike shut down the nation’s third-largest war production center for six days and forced President Roosevelt to use armed troops to end it. At the time, the strike was widely regarded as a terrible blow to America’s war effort..
African Americans argued in their Double V campaign, had to be about defeating fascism abroad and Jim Crow at home. In Philadelphia, they took the battle to such discriminatory companies as the Pennsylvania Railroad, AT&T, and, most prominently, the Philadelphia Transportation Company (PTC). The PTC had hired black workers for decades and had some 500 African-American workers in the early 1940s, but they were relegated to menial labor. Black employees were not allowed to drive transit vehicles or interact with the public. As the New York newspaper PM put it, “PTC has operated along Southern lines [for years and white workers have] simply accepted the fact that [driving] is a white man’s job, and no Negro is going to get it.” This attitude galled black Philadelphians because the PTC was a semi-public company that received taxes as well as fares from the black community.
Angered by the discrimination, black Philadelphians, with the support of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), pressed PTC management for driving jobs. PTC president Ralph Senter refused to consider the idea, saying the company could not promote African Americans without the consent of the Philadelphia Rapid Transit Employees Union (PRTEU), a company union unaffiliated with the AFL or the CIO. PRTEU leaders worked closely with the company, keeping wages down as a quid pro quo for white workers’ control of the best jobs. Rank-and-file white workers knew their wages were about 10 percent below the rates in Chicago, Detroit, and New York, but they accepted their lower pay in exchange for the racial prerogatives they received. This arrangement, observed the NAACP’s Crisis, meant that “regardless of [qualifications] a Negro could never hope to fill certain jobs, such as conductors, motormen, [or] bus drivers.” Both PTC management and its white workers believed they benefited from the arrangement, and neither felt obliged to open jobs to African Americans.
.. a decision by the Fair Employment Practices Committee that ordered the company to cease its discrimination. Confronted by black workers’ demands, TWU bargaining agents, and FEPC orders, management backed down and agreed to employ black workers as drivers, starting August 1, 1944. In the weeks leading up to the black drivers’ start date, a number of white PTC employees (many of whom were former leaders of the deposed PRTEU) made it clear they would not accept African-American promotions. Some of these workers came from the Jim Crow South, especially Virginia and the Carolinas, and the thought of working as equals with African Americans infuriated them. However, many of the workers were longtime residents of Philadelphia: Irish and Italian Philadelphians made up 70 percent of the transit company’s workforce and they had participated in the PTC’s discriminatory employment system for decades. Longtime Philadelphians and new immigrants from the South were equally willing to discriminate against African Americans..
the Depression.
At 4:00 a.m. on August 1, 1944, a few dozen white drivers refused to work and asked the rest of the employees to join them. By noon, the transit system had come to a halt and the city was at a standstill. Philadelphia’s key industries fell idle because their employees could not get to work. In all, manufacturers reported the first few days of the strike cost them 3 million hours of lost labor (25 percent of the city’s production capacity). One military official warned that if the strike continued it would “delay the day of victory.” PTC management demonstrated its complicity in the hate strike from the start. Rather than trying to break the strike by having supervisors and willing workers drive, the PTC shut down the high-speed lines and closed its ticket windows. It left its carbarns open so strike leaders could meet to plot strategy and hold rallies to inflame the workforce. And it blamed the FEPC for fomenting the strike, which the company argued would only end if African Americans, the government, and the TWU backed down and accepted discrimination on the transit lines.
Government officials replied that such an arrangement was out of the question, so the PTC happily stepped aside from further deliberations, hoping the strike would lead to the TWU’s demise.
In strike meetings, the drivers made it clear that their greatest fears were the loss of their jobs and the denigration of their status as white Americans. “We don’t want Negroes and we won’t work with Negroes,” Frank Carney, one of the strike leaders, told a cheering crowd “[because] this is a white man’s job.” For many of the workers, this was not just a matter of keeping blacks down, but of whites maintaining their status, too. “This is a case of the white race keeping its place [emphasis in original],” observed one man. Meanwhile another strike leader, James McMenamin, claimed that merely sharing a bench with black drivers between runs would contaminate white workers. “Their standard of living,” he told a reporter, “is very far below the standard of operators.” White workers would get “bedbugs” if they had to sit next to African Americans.
Although the strikers were adamant in their refusal to work with black workers, the walkout’s damage to war production just two months after D-Day meant President Roosevelt had to crush the strike. On August 3 he ordered the military to seize the PTC, and on August 5 General Philip Hayes led 5,000 troops into Philadelphia. They came prepared to drive buses and trains and enforce the black workers’ promotions. At the same time, the Selective Service threatened to revoke the draft deferments of all striking workers. In this case, the power of the federal government came down squarely on the black workers’ side and forced white PTC employees to bring their hate strike to an end one week after it began."
--The Encyclopedia of Strikes in American History-Aaron Brenner, Benjamin Day, Immanuel Ness - (2009). pp 128-132
Genesis of "affirmative action"
This post makes no brief for shaky "diversity" systems and in fact questions the resources being diverted there, rather than being spent directly with the masses at ground level, on specific projects that will improve outcomes in education, skill, talent and work. The pipeline of talent and skill should be the ultimate focus. The situation is somewhat analogous to well-heeled western consultants and bureaucrats jetting in to poor Third World nations to hold yet another round of seminars or workshops, while outside the toiling masses see no resources or cash on the ground that benefits the grassroots. The bureaucrats get paid, not the masses. Nevertheless the wide propaganda narrative about alleged white "merit" compared to minorities allegedly "getting things handed to them" is exposed as bogus, by a clear-eyed look at the reality of racial cartels and monopolies, and how they have and still benefit those holding the controlling levers..
Interestingly enough, "affirmative action" began as a measure to benefit whites, namely white union members who were discriminated against due to union membership. Courts realized that merely telling discriminators to "please stop" was inadequate and that enforcement remedies were needed. There was little objection when whites were benefiting from such remedies. QUOTE:
"The general principle behind "affirmative action" is that a court order to "cease and desist" from some discriminatory practice may not be sufficient to undo the harm already done, or even to prevent additional harm as the result of a pattern of events set in motion by the prior illegal activity. This general principle goes back much further than the civil-rights legislation of the 1960's, and extends well beyond questions involving ethnic minorities or women. In 1935, the Wagner Act prescribed "affirmative action" as well as "cease and desist" remedies against employers whose anti-union activities had violated the law. Thus, in the landmark Jones and Laughlin Steel case which established the constitutionality of the Act, the National Labor Relations Board ordered the company not only to stop discriminating against those of its employees who were union members, but also to post notices to that effect in conspicuous places and to reinstate unlawfully discharged workers, with back pay. Had the company merely been ordered to "cease and desist" from economic (and physical) retaliation against union members,the future effect of its past intimidation would have continued to inhibit the free-choice elections guaranteed by the National Labor Relations Act.
Racial discrimination is another obvious area where merely to "cease and desist" is not enough. If a firm has engaged in racial discrimination for years, and has an all-white work force as a result, then simply to stop explicit discrimination will mean little as long as the firm continues to hire by word-of-mouth referrals to its current employees' friends and relatives. (Many firms hire in just this way, regardless of their racial policies.) Clearly, the area of racial discrimination is one in which positive or affirmative steps of some kind seem reasonable-which is not to say that the particular policies actually followed make sense."
--Sowell, Thomas (1975) Affirmative Action Reconsidered. The Public Interest 3, pg 48-65
When Affirmative Action Was White- (2005) author Katznelson traces history to show that goals, timetables and quotas were specifically put in place to benefit whites at the expense of blacks beginning in the New Deal era. Indeed such quotas were embraced by southern whites with the specific understanding that they would benefit and not blacks. In program after program, blacks were cut out of the loop and sidelined while whites garnered the benefits and filled body count quotas. Katznelson shows how this was accomplished while whites used a seemingly "race neutral" approach.
EXCERPT from some book reviews:
"Rather than seeing affirmative action developing out of the Civil Rights movement of the 1960s, Katznelson finds its origins in the New Deal policies of the 1930s and 1940s. And instead of seeing it as a leg up for minorities, Katznelson argues that the prehistory of affirmative action was supported by Southern Democrats who were actually devoted to preserving a strict racial hierarchy, and that the resulting legislation was explicitly designed for the majority: its policies made certain, he argues, that whites received the full benefit of rising prosperity while blacks were deliberately left out. Katznelson supports this startling claim ingeniously, showing, for instance, that while the 1938 Fair Labor Standards Act was a great boon for factory workers, it did nothing for maids and agricultural laborers—employment sectors dominated by blacks at the time—at the behest of Southern politicians. Similarly, Katznelson makes a strong case that the GI Bill, an ostensibly color-blind initiative, unfairly privileged white veterans by turning benefits administration over to local governments, thereby ensuring that Southern blacks would find it nearly impossible to participate...
Katznelson places into contemporary context the cause of racial inequity that is directly related to government policies, which are widely believed to benefit blacks but which have actually benefited whites. He eschews the more generalist focus on slavery and white supremacy as the causes of racial inequality and focuses on government policies of the New Deal and post-World War II distribution of veteran benefits. He identifies in a practical sense government policies, most of which appear neutral on their face, that were designed to restrict blacks and, in fact, impeded them from progressing commensurate with white America. The war economy and labor needs expanded opportunities for blacks and substantially reduced economic disparities. But postwar policies to promote home ownership and labor laws regarding minimum wages deliberately excluded blacks. Other policies providing the engine that produced today's middle class, including the GI benefits that financed college education, reinforced the discriminatory patterns...
From a NY Times review:
This history has been told before, but Katznelson offers a penetrating new analysis, supported by vivid examples and statistics. He examines closely how the federal government discriminated against black citizens as it created and administered the sweeping social programs that provided the vital framework for a vibrant and secure American middle class. Considered revolutionary at the time, the new legislation included the Social Security system, unemployment compensation, the minimum wage, protection of the right of workers to join labor unions and the G.I. Bill of Rights.
Even though blacks benefited to a degree from many of these programs, Katznelson shows how and why they received far less assistance than whites did. He documents the political process by which powerful Southern Congressional barons shaped the programs in discriminatory ways -- as their price for supporting them. (A black newspaper editorial criticized Roosevelt for excluding from the minimum wage law the black women who worked long hours for $4.50 a week at the resort the president frequented in Warm Springs, Ga.)
At the time, most blacks in the labor force were employed in agriculture or as domestic household workers. Members of Congress from the Deep South demanded that those occupations be excluded from the minimum wage, Social Security, unemployment insurance and workmen's compensation. When labor unions scored initial victories in organizing poor factory workers in the South after World War II, the Southern Congressional leaders spearheaded legislation to cripple those efforts. The Southerners' principal objective, Katznelson contends, was to safeguard the racist economic and social order known as the Southern "way of life."
Katznelson's principal focus is on the monumental social programs of Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal and Harry Truman's Fair Deal in the 1930's and 1940's. He contends that those programs not only discriminated against blacks, but actually contributed to widening the gap between white and black Americans -- judged in terms of educational achievement, quality of jobs and housing, and attainment of higher income. Arguing for the necessity of affirmative action today, Katznelson contends that policy makers and the judiciary previously failed to consider just how unfairly blacks had been treated by the federal government in the 30 years before the civil rights revolution of the 1960's.
I wrote about the impact of the G.I. Bill and segregated suburbia in "How Integrated is your neighborhood?" Katznelson goes much deeper into just how post WWII programs set the stage for minority exclusion from upward mobility.
Katznelson reserves his harshest criticism for the unfair application of the Servicemen's Readjustment Act, known as the G.I. Bill of Rights, a series of programs that poured $95 billion into expanding opportunity for soldiers returning from World War II. Over all, the G.I. Bill was a dramatic success, helping 16 million veterans attend college, receive job training, start businesses and purchase their first homes. Half a century later, President Clinton praised the G.I. Bill as ''the best deal ever made by Uncle Sam,'' and said it ''helped to unleash a prosperity never before known.''
But Katznelson demonstrates that African-American veterans received significantly less help from the G.I. Bill than their white counterparts. ''Written under Southern auspices,'' he reports, ''the law was deliberately designed to accommodate Jim Crow.'' He cites one 1940's study that concluded it was ''as though the G.I. Bill had been earmarked 'For White Veterans Only.' '' Southern Congressional leaders made certain that the programs were directed not by Washington but by local white officials, businessmen, bankers and college administrators who would honor past practices. As a result, thousands of black veterans in the South -- and the North as well -- were denied housing and business loans, as well as admission to whites-only colleges and universities. They were also excluded from job-training programs for careers in promising new fields like radio and electrical work, commercial photography and mechanics. Instead, most African-Americans were channeled toward traditional, low-paying ''black jobs'' and small black colleges, which were pitifully underfinanced and ill equipped to meet the needs of a surging enrollment of returning soldiers.
The statistics on disparate treatment are staggering. By October 1946, 6,500 former soldiers had been placed in non-farm jobs by the employment service in Mississippi; 86 percent of the skilled and semiskilled jobs were filled by whites, 92 percent of the unskilled ones by blacks. In New York and northern New Jersey, ''fewer than 100 of the 67,000 mortgages insured by the G.I. Bill supported home purchases by nonwhites.'' Discrimination continued as well in elite Northern colleges. The University of Pennsylvania, along with Columbia the least discriminatory of the Ivy League colleges, enrolled only 46 black students in its student body of 9,000 in 1946. The traditional black colleges did not have places for an estimated 70,000 black veterans in 1947. At the same time, white universities were doubling their enrollments and prospering with the infusion of public and private funds, and of students with their G.I. benefits."
Far from being for allegedly "exclusive" black benefit- Affirmative action has been long expanded other groups besides blacks- the case of so-called business "preferences"- Thomas Sowell
Conservative scholar Thomas Sowell 2004 in his study of preferential policies around the world notes that a particular tendency of such policies is to extend them to cover ever more classes and groups, some far beyond the original intended beneficiaries. White female beneficiaries are a typical casein point but Sowell notes that other groups- some relatively affluent or privileged foreigners have also been cashing in on programs ostensibly designed to help US Blacks. The propaganda machine however is conveniently light on such facts, with its bogus picture of allegedly "exclusive" benefit for "the blacks" even as whites and others, reap most of the benefit. Now where have we seen such right-wing distortion before? QUOTE:
"Because minority immigrants are eligible for affirmative action, even though they have obviously suffered no past discrimination in the United States, members of the Fanjul family from Cuba.with a fortune exceeding $500 million.have received government contracts set aside for minority businesses. An absolute majority of the money paid to minority-owned construction firms in Washington, D.C., during the period from 1986 to 1990 went to European businessmen from Portugal. Asian entrepreneurs have likewise immigrated to the United States and then acquired preferential access to government contracts. Such results once again demonstrate how far the reality of affirmative action departs from its rationale of remedying past discrimination.
Although affirmative action began as a program primarily intended to benefit blacks, most of the minority and women-owned businesses favored by government preferences are owned by groups other than blacks. More than four times as many businesses are owned by Hispanics and Asian Americans and thirteen times as many businesses are owned by women as by blacks. Moreover, even within this omnibus category of minority and women-owned businesses, some evidence suggests that the vast majority of firms receive nothing from these preferences, while a relatively few receive the bulk of the benefits. In Cincinnati, for example, the city vendor list identified 682 such firms, but 13 percent of these firms received 62 percent of all the preferential contracts and 83 percent of the money. Nationally, only about one-fourth of one percent of minority-owned enterprises were even certified as entitled to preferences under the Small Business Administration. Then, even among this tiny fraction of minority firms, 2 percent received 40 percent of the money."
--Thomas Sowell 2004. Affirmative Action Around the World. p 121
White university "legacy" admissions use quota-like preferential politices to benefit mostly whites, while at the same time white hypocritically condemn so-called "quotas for blacks" that are trivial in relation to the numbers of whites benefiting from such preferential policies.
As far as college admissions wealthy whites easily buy their way into elite colleges as shown in detail by Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Daniel Golden in his book The Price of Admission: How America’s Ruling Class Buys Its Way into Elite Colleges—and Who Gets Left Outside the Gates. Golden shows how mediocre or low-ranked whites get access due to their parent's wealth. He also shows how minorities are penalized when "athletic scholarships" are given to wealthy whites for participating in relativelylow interest sports that generate significantly less interest (or revenue) than mainstream sports. As he says:
"Colleges discriminate against minorities and low- and middle-income students by reserving slots—and, outside the Ivy League, scholarships—for athletes in sports only rich white people tend to play."
White unions in another apartheid state, South Africa, also moved massively and violently to impose racial cartels. The huge 1922 "Rand Revolt" or strike by white miners because 25 blacks were hired for so-called "reserved white jobs" illustrates this. Authorities wee forced to expend massive resources to suppress the white workers' strike.
Quote:
"In January 1922 white mine workers on the Rand went on strike over the opening of 25 semi-skilled positions, previously reserved for whites, to blacks. As 80 percent of white mine workers were Afrikaners, a nationalist newspaper urged members of the Active Citizen Force to ignore the call-up. Inspired by a mixture of socialist and Boer republican ideals, the strikers organized commandos, practiced military drill, prepared stretcher parties, and fashioned uniforms. The state mobilized 7,966 police but this was insufficient. Striker commandos erected road blocks, raided mines and police stations, and hunted down and murdered over 40 blacks. Smuts, now prime minister, mobilized the Active Citizen Force and on March 10 proclaimed martial law on the Rand and nearby areas. Fourteen thousand Permanent and Citizen Force soldiers were sent to suppress the strikers who military commanders referred to as 'revolutionaries.'
In the subsequent fighting, the rebels initially seemed successful as they held Brakpan and were contesting control of Benoni and Springs. Airplanes from the fledgling South African Air Force (SAAF) strafed the Workers’ Hall in Benoni and dropped supplies to besieged police stations. An airplane carrying the air force director, Colonel Pierre van Ryneveld, was shot down though he survived. Rebels attacked a detachment of Imperial Light Horse at Doornfontein and the Transvaal Scottish, on its way by rail to the East Rand, was ambushed at Dunswart suffering heavy casualties. A state counterattack began on March 12 with the seizure of Brixton Ridge and the next day General Van Deventer led the relief of police stations at Brakpan and Benoni. On March 14, artillery shelled the striker stronghold at Fordsburg Square that was captured later that day. The strike was called off on March 17. This ‘‘Rand Revolt’’ seemed much like a war. Overall, 153 people, including 29 police, were killed and 534 injured. After the rebellion, 4,750 people were arrested and 18 sentenced to death of which 4 were actually executed. The police seized 1 machine gun, 1,400 rifles and shotguns, 745 revolvers, and 60,000 rounds of ammunition.
Smuts was blamed for letting the situation get out of control, and in the 1924 election he was defeated by a nationalist and labor coalition under Hertzog.11Racial segregation was further entrenched and in the 1930s South Africa, like other dominions, gained more autonomy from Britain and the Cape’s nonracial franchise was abolished."-- Timothy J. Stapleton. 2010. A Military History of South Africa From the Dutch-Khoi Wars to the End of Apartheid, p 135-136
OTHER LINKS
Unscheduled 'diversity' event.. :)
The Teflon Don- Covid-era approval rating may signal November success
https://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2020/05/the-teflon-don-covid-era-approval.html
https://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2020/05/the-teflon-don-covid-era-approval.html
https://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2020/04/would-biden-win-be-any-big-loss-for.htm
https://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2019/01/tchallas-wakanda-first-philosophy-looks.html
'AsiaRate' Lawsuit against Harvard shows dirty little secret- white quotas used at elite universities
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2018/06/asiarate-lawsuit-against-harvard-shows.html
Some gays find welcome home in the 'alt-right' as nationalist organizations step up recruitment
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2018/05/some-gays-find-welcome-home-in-alt.html
Racial discrimination is alive and kicking in employment, housing and credit markets
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2017/07/racial-discrimination-is-alive-and.html
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2017/07/sowell-3-new-data-shows-backward.html
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2017/07/sowell-2-wealth-poverty-and-politics.html
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2017/07/sowell-liberal-intellectuals-and-hard.html
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2016/07/trump-properties-discriminated-against.html
Stealing credibility- Dinesh D'souza has prison epiphany- after hanging with the homies- Hallelujah Hilary!
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2016/05/straining-credibility-dinesh-dsouza-has.html
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2016/05/a-review-wealth-poverty-and-politics.html
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2016/04/go-with-flow-3-more-dna-and-cranial.html
Go with the flow 2- African gene flow into Europe in various eras
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2015/11/go-with-flow-2-african-gene-flow-into.html
DNA studies show African movement to Europe from very ancient times
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2015/09/dna-studies-show-african-movement-to.html
Guilt3- Why the "white privilege industry" is not all there
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2015/09/guilt3-why-white-privilege-industry-is.html
Guilt2- Media collaborates with guilt mongers - or how to play the white victim card
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2015/09/guilt2-media-collaborates-with-guilt.html
How Obama plays on white guilt
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2015/08/how-obama-plays-upon-white-guilt-hilary.html
Blacks oppose free speech- more ramshackle "research" from "the East"..
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2015/08/blacks-oppose-free-speech-ramshackle.html
Hands off the Confederate flag
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2015/06/hands-off-confederate-flag.html
Despite much more wealth than blacks, whites collect about the same rate of welfare and are treated more generously
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2015/06/despite-much-more-wealth-than-blacks.html
African "boat people" ushering in European demographic decline
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2015/05/african-boat-people-ushering-in.html
The forgotten Holocaust- King Leopold's "Congo Free State" - 10 million victims
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2015/04/the-forgotten-holocaust-10-million-in.html
Are violent minorities taking over California and the West?
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2015/04/are-violent-minorities-taking-over.html
Presidential hopeful Ben Carson meets and Greeks
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2015/03/presidential-hopeful-ben-carson-meet.html
Contra "ISIS" partisans, there have been some beneficial effects of Christianity
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2015/03/contra-isis-partisans-there-are-some.html
The social construction of race, compared to biology- Graves
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2015/02/the-social-construction-of-race_8.html
Why HBD or hereditarianism lacks credibility
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2014/10/why-hbd-or-hereditarianism-lacks.html
Leading Scientists criticize hereditarian claims
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2014/08/leading-scientists-criticize.html
Thai me down - Thais fall behind genetically related southern Chinese, Tibetans below genetically related East Asians like Koreans and other Chinese
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2014/08/thai-me-up-thai-me-down.html
Time for liberals to respect "the south" ... in a way of speaking.. the south of Egypt that is..
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2014/08/time-for-liberals-to-respect-south-in.html
Irony 2: touted High IQ "G-men" cannot reproduce themselves
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2014/07/irony-2-higher-iqs-correlated-with_25.html
Unz and Sowell: Unz debunking Lynn's IQ and Wealth of Nations. Sowell debunking the Bell Curve
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2014/07/unz-and-sowell-unz-debunking-lynns-iq.html
Irony 1: touted High IQ types are more homosexual, more atheist, and more liberal (HAL)
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2014/06/irony-high-iqs-produce-more-atheists.html
Elite white universities discriminate against Asians using reverse "affirmative action"
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2014/06/elite-white-universities-discriminate.html
Deteriorating state of white America
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2014/05/deteriorating-state-of-white-america.html
Racial Cartels (The Affirmative Action Propaganda machine- part 2
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2014/05/the-affirmative-action-propaganda.html
Hereditarian's/HBD's "Great Black Hope"
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2014/04/blog-post.html
Exploding nonsense: the 10,000 Year Explosion
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2014/03/exploding-nonsense-review-of-cochran_8.html
We need "rational racism"- Convicted felon Dinesh Dsouza becomes his own test case
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2014/01/we-need-rational-racism-proponent.html
The Affirmative Action Propaganda Machine- part 1
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2014/01/the-affirmatve-action-propaganda.html
Two rules for being "really" black- no white wimmen, no Republican
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2014/01/to-be-really-black-you-cant-have-white.html
The Axial age reconsidered
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2014/01/the-axial-age-reconsidered.html
Cannibal seasonings: dark meat on white
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2013/12/i.html
"Affirmative Action" in the form of court remedies has been around a long time- since the 1930s- benefiting white union workers against discrimination by employers
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2013/09/affirmative-action-as-term-appears-in.html
Mugged by reality 1: White quotas, special preferences and government jobs
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2013/06/mugged-by-reality-1-white-quotas.html
Lightweight enforcement of EEO laws contradicts claims of "flood" of minorities "taking jobs"
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2013/06/blog-post.html
Railroaded 3: white violence and intimidation imposed quotas
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2013/06/railroaded-3-white-violence-and.html
Railroaded 2: how white quotas and special preferences blockade black progress...
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2013/06/railroaded-2-thow-white-quotas-and.html
Railroaded 1: How white affirmative action and white special preferences destroyed black railroad employment...
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2013/06/railroaded-how-white-affirmative-action.html
Affirmative action: primary beneficiaries are white women
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2011/04/affirmative-action-primary.html
7 reasons certain libertarians and right-wingers are wrong about the Civil Right Act
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2012/05/7-reasons-libertarians-may-be-wrong.html
Assorted "Role models" debunked- hypocritical heriditarianism
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2009/11/hbd-debunked-debunking-hypocritical.htmll
Social philosophy of Thomas Sowell
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2011/07/social-philosophy-of-thomas-sowell.html
Additional gene flow data... :)
Go with the flow 2- African gene flow into Europe in various eras
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2015/11/go-with-flow-2-african-gene-flow-into.html
DNA studies show African movement to Europe from very ancient times
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2015/09/dna-studies-show-african-movement-to.html
Guilt3- Why the "white privilege industry" is not all there
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2015/09/guilt3-why-white-privilege-industry-is.html
Guilt2- Media collaborates with guilt mongers - or how to play the white victim card
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2015/09/guilt2-media-collaborates-with-guilt.html
How Obama plays on white guilt
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2015/08/how-obama-plays-upon-white-guilt-hilary.html
Blacks oppose free speech- more ramshackle "research" from "the East"..
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2015/08/blacks-oppose-free-speech-ramshackle.html
Hands off the Confederate flag
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2015/06/hands-off-confederate-flag.html
Despite much more wealth than blacks, whites collect about the same rate of welfare and are treated more generously
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2015/06/despite-much-more-wealth-than-blacks.html
African "boat people" ushering in European demographic decline
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2015/05/african-boat-people-ushering-in.html
The forgotten Holocaust- King Leopold's "Congo Free State" - 10 million victims
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2015/04/the-forgotten-holocaust-10-million-in.html
Are violent minorities taking over California and the West?
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2015/04/are-violent-minorities-taking-over.html
Presidential hopeful Ben Carson meets and Greeks
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2015/03/presidential-hopeful-ben-carson-meet.html
Contra "ISIS" partisans, there have been some beneficial effects of Christianity
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2015/03/contra-isis-partisans-there-are-some.html
The social construction of race, compared to biology- Graves
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2015/02/the-social-construction-of-race_8.html
Why HBD or hereditarianism lacks credibility
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2014/10/why-hbd-or-hereditarianism-lacks.html
Leading Scientists criticize hereditarian claims
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2014/08/leading-scientists-criticize.html
Thai me down - Thais fall behind genetically related southern Chinese, Tibetans below genetically related East Asians like Koreans and other Chinese
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2014/08/thai-me-up-thai-me-down.html
Time for liberals to respect "the south" ... in a way of speaking.. the south of Egypt that is..
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2014/08/time-for-liberals-to-respect-south-in.html
Irony 2: touted High IQ "G-men" cannot reproduce themselves
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2014/07/irony-2-higher-iqs-correlated-with_25.html
Unz and Sowell: Unz debunking Lynn's IQ and Wealth of Nations. Sowell debunking the Bell Curve
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2014/07/unz-and-sowell-unz-debunking-lynns-iq.html
Irony 1: touted High IQ types are more homosexual, more atheist, and more liberal (HAL)
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2014/06/irony-high-iqs-produce-more-atheists.html
Elite white universities discriminate against Asians using reverse "affirmative action"
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2014/06/elite-white-universities-discriminate.html
Deteriorating state of white America
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2014/05/deteriorating-state-of-white-america.html
Racial Cartels (The Affirmative Action Propaganda machine- part 2
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2014/05/the-affirmative-action-propaganda.html
Hereditarian's/HBD's "Great Black Hope"
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2014/04/blog-post.html
Exploding nonsense: the 10,000 Year Explosion
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2014/03/exploding-nonsense-review-of-cochran_8.html
We need "rational racism"- Convicted felon Dinesh Dsouza becomes his own test case
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2014/01/we-need-rational-racism-proponent.html
The Affirmative Action Propaganda Machine- part 1
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2014/01/the-affirmatve-action-propaganda.html
Two rules for being "really" black- no white wimmen, no Republican
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2014/01/to-be-really-black-you-cant-have-white.html
The Axial age reconsidered
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2014/01/the-axial-age-reconsidered.html
Cannibal seasonings: dark meat on white
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2013/12/i.html
"Affirmative Action" in the form of court remedies has been around a long time- since the 1930s- benefiting white union workers against discrimination by employers
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2013/09/affirmative-action-as-term-appears-in.html
Mugged by reality 1: White quotas, special preferences and government jobs
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2013/06/mugged-by-reality-1-white-quotas.html
Lightweight enforcement of EEO laws contradicts claims of "flood" of minorities "taking jobs"
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2013/06/blog-post.html
Railroaded 3: white violence and intimidation imposed quotas
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2013/06/railroaded-3-white-violence-and.html
Railroaded 2: how white quotas and special preferences blockade black progress...
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2013/06/railroaded-2-thow-white-quotas-and.html
Railroaded 1: How white affirmative action and white special preferences destroyed black railroad employment...
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2013/06/railroaded-how-white-affirmative-action.html
Affirmative action: primary beneficiaries are white women
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2011/04/affirmative-action-primary.html
7 reasons certain libertarians and right-wingers are wrong about the Civil Right Act
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2012/05/7-reasons-libertarians-may-be-wrong.html
Assorted "Role models" debunked- hypocritical heriditarianism
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2009/11/hbd-debunked-debunking-hypocritical.htmll
Social philosophy of Thomas Sowell
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2011/07/social-philosophy-of-thomas-sowell.html
Additional gene flow data... :)
Bogus "biodiversity" theories of Kanazawa, Ruston, Lynn debunked
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2010/09/blog-post.html
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2010/09/blog-post.html
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2010/04/blog-post_1818.html
In the Blood- debunking "HBD" and Neo-Nazi appropriation of ancient Egypt
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2009/11/blog-post_29.html
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2009/11/blog-post_29.html
early
Europeans and middle Easterners looked like Africans. Peoples returning
or "backflowing" to Africa would already be looking like Africans
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2010/05/blog-post_1754.html
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2010/05/blog-post_1754.html
Ancient Egypt: one of the world's most advanced civilizations- created by tropical peoples
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2010/09/blog-post_06.html
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2010/09/blog-post_06.html
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2013/03/playing-greek-defence-review-of-thornton.html
Quotations from mainstream academic research on the Nile Valley peoples
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2010/04/blog-post_9251.html
http://nilevalleypeoples.blogspot.com/2010/04/blog-post_9251.html
http://egyptsearchreloaded.proboards.com/thread/15/basic-database-nile-valley-studies
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